Strawberries & cream from Norway for Sri Lanka's surprise peace party

Association for Peace and Integrity -
Sri Lanka Feb 23, 2002

Press Release

In Sri Lanka, Cabinet spokesman Prof. G.L. Pieris briefed the press that P.M. Ranil Wickremasinghe was preparing to sign an agreement which would also be signed by LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakran. The signed documents are to be exchanged in Omanthiran in northern Sri Lanka on Sunday, Feb 24th, 2002.

Peacemaking Norwegian representatives facilitated the signing. In response to a journalist's query of a current LTTE sea attack, Prof. Pieris, a teacher of law, said that such incidents were inevitable in war.


The Norwegian tax payer has been led into anointing a division of turf between the Prabhakaran-controlled warlord clique and the Wijewardena clan in Sri Lanka.

Since Independence, the Wijewardena clan has subtly occupied the role of Haiti's Duvallier clan.

The Prabhakaran group had come forward to receive sheep thrown in the wilderness, Sri Lanka's Tamil citizens. This came about when the Wijewardena clan and its minions presided over the burning of Tamil homes in 1983. The Duvallier limousine was powered by voodoo, the Wijewardena limousine was powered by ethnic conflict.

Former President J. R. Jayewardene and two-month old PM Ranil Wickremasinghe belong in the Wijewardena clan and after a a ride in open limousine from 1977, it placed before itself the task of abolishing country elections due in 1983. So a fake referendum was staged in 1982 to postpone the elections because the Wijewardena-controlled UNP did not want to submit to accountability outside its authoritarian grip on power.

In 1977 Sri Lanka was the country that London's 'The Economist', labelled a model democracy in the Third World. Soon after that article, during a mere four years, Sri Lanka was looted by UNP minions.

Besides book publisher Rajith Wijewardena collecting cheques wearing the cap of a reservoir contractor in the Mahaweli scheme, newspapers ran the UNP Finance Minister's own plaint that the purchase and sales of airliners by Air Lanka Chairman Rakkhita Wickremanayake was attracting the attention of the World Bank (the airline chairman was not a professional manager but merely President Jayewardene's son Ravi's flying instructor.)

This 1982 referendum to postpone elections was treated as eyewash by more astute Western observers who for the first time spotted ballot-rigging in the erstwhile democracy of "The Economist."

To counter Western misgivings, a new device for cancelling elections appeared in the form of the burning of Tamil homes on July 25th, 1983. The UNP government, which included Education Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe, presided over the burnings of homes. Western journalists photographed soldiers deployed from morning in the streets -- directing mobs. The government used radio and TV to order a curfew and mob control only after the burnings. Observers noticed a plot, so Information Minister Anandatissa de Alwis went on TV to say that the burnings were a plot by a "foreign hand." To support that the UNP planted its own evidence by taking into custody four aging Leftist leaders.

Authoritarianism escalated further and led to the UNP getting so drunk with power that a power struggle began among its leaders. The power play and farce was visible on Government- controlled TV (then called "Premavahini" after former Wijewardena sergeant Premedasa). World opinion was finally to precipitate the holding of elections.

In 1994 a coalition of parties led by Chandrika Kumaratunga won in large part due to the infighting of three factions within the UNP. Yet, the new 1994 People's Alliance (PA) coalition awaited undermining by a militarist formula promoted by Anuruddha Ratwatte. Previously a UNP municipal councillor, he chanced to occupy the PA post of State Minister for Defence and also the post of Minister of Power and Energy. Since President Kumaratunga had lost both her father and her husband to assassinations, the Convent and humanities educated woman (she had no training in military affairs) had thought to entrust the police and army to her own uncle -- Ratwatte.

Yet, Ratwatte's 6-year war-moneying cost more loss of life than in the previous 17-year rule of the UNP. Ratwatte must be considered (1) a dupe, or (2) a man implicitly contracted by the UNP's Ranil Wickremasinghe to destabilise the economy and thereby edge out the alternative PA government.

Both explanations are supported by circumstantial evidence. The UNP had committed a breach of faith by its neglect during one day in July 1983. Now it was a 6 year neglect of Ratwatte's ravaging of Sri Lanka's north, as scapegoat for ills, and his exhausting of the resources of Sri Lanka's south. Which responsible Opposition would not sustain protests about a man who was supervising a civil war and at the same time, supervising government electricity generation and its petroleum refinery amongst other duties? On electricity, mothers are today supervising children's homework during an evening 2 1/2 hour power cut.

Defence analysts such as retired air force chief Harry Gunetileke explained why the Ratwatte militarism would be catastrophic to both north and south of the country but such voices, which caused Sri Lanka's Western allies to distance themselves from Ratwatte's fatuous militarism, were not sustained by the UNP.

Next, we notice that within a mere two months of return of a UNP government, the previous intransigence of the UNP in Opposition towards Norwegian peacemakers has suddenly taken a 180 degree turn. This UNP welcome of peace talks might have warned the Norwegians that the previous years of UNP agitation for militancy, were only a means of consolidating Wijewardena clan power. Against the background of UNP intransigence, Ratwatte militancy appears only to have been a tool used not by a "foreign hand" but by the UNP to destroy the PA coalition government where Ratwatte was an omnipotent Minister.

Lastly, after the December fall of the PA government, in an incident where ten civilians were slain with automatic rifles in the presence of witnesses, Ratwatte has been jailed by a magistrate on suspicion of aiding and abetting the crime. His two sons, also named by the magistrate, are in hiding. Is this the breed of men whom the UNP had tolerated when in parliamentary Opposition? Even the shooting in cold blood in the 1990s of Fijian sportsman Joel Pera with a handgun officially issued by the forces to Ratwatte's son, was not an issue pressed by the UNP in Opposition when the father ravaged the country.

. . . . . . . . . . . In conclusion, we find again a diversion for Western and home opinion. Norway has flown in strawberries and cream for two peace tarts. Norway has been co-opted by the Wijewardena clan to celebrate its party with power. In Realpolitik, the party and the accords commemorate no more than a sharing of turf between two groups of brigands, the Wijewardena clan and the Northern, more openly warlord LTTE.

The opening of highways will ease the lives of Northern citizens who bore the brunt of Ratwatte's military attacks. However, Northern citizens can only hope for authoritarianism by Prabhakaran, for he will not tolerate the election of moderates Tamils who would blight LTTE messianism in its far-flung network. Neither can Prabhakaran let a civic peace permit his extradition to India to face charges of complicity in the Rajiv Gandhi killing.

The South will see semblances of accountability removed as the Wijewardena clan puts on again its old cloak of authoritarianism and tries to place Ranil Wickremasinghe in the seat of President still occupied by Kumaratunga. The previous don of the clan, J.R. Jayewardene, when President, had made this position immune from the process of law, and the clan seeks thus to bounce allegations of Wickremasinghe's complicity in several crimes, including the running of a house for torture in which many family breadwinners vanished.

The destabilising of 18 million population Sri Lanka is one thing. The hold of the LTTE poseurs on highly skilled Tamil professionals around the world as featured in TIME and other newsmagazines, is surpassed only by the behavioural hold of 9th Century Turkic Khazars of the Black Sea area who pose as scriptural Judeans.

Today the LTTE gains impetus for destablising India. Accelerating population outflows from that country can be a much larger factor to reckon with in Europe, including Norway, as elsewhere in Australia and North America -- if Pakistan and the Kashmiri insurgency have not been capable of causing a full destabilisation of 1.5 billion South Asia.

At present Europe is already seeping in an invisible, destabilised 500 million Eastern Europe, reformed not as in East Germany by the astute Federal Republic - but destabilised by Harvard monetarists' one-shot paint.

If Norway (a junior partner in NATO because of its border with the former USSR) is to be remembered in history for peacemaking and not in a farce towards destabilisation in South Asia, the situation deserves the attention of US State Secretary General Colin Powell to detract the LTTE byproduct of the Wijewardenas who like the Duvallier clan, jockeyed the horse as favourites of 1950s' US State Secretary John Foster Dulles.



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