By : A.A.M.NIZAM – MATARA

Many of the scribes, local and foreign including N.Satyamoorthy, P.K.Balachandran, Meera Sri Nivasan et al who write to English newspapers in Sri Lanka hold the opinion that Sri Lankans are damp squibs who still hold a white skin glotifying amglophile mindset.  This vicious phenomenon has been erased to a great extent by scholarly Sinhala language writers who flood our newspapers and social media with articles inspired with patriotism.

Dayan Jayatilleke who is an extremely treacherous, anti Sri Lamkan, pro tiger terrorist amd RAW agent used to write more than one article a week quoting some extremely irrelevant world history promoting divisions among Sri Lankans, devolution of unlimited powersto provinces, neo liberalism and the urgent need to implement more than what is stupilated in the ignominous 31^st Amendment. This is part II of the article exposing this treacherous wwriter who has beern appointed as our Ambassador to Russia by arrogant egoist President Sirisena

Comments on Janatha Vikurthi Peramuna’s 20th Amendment

Eiting extensively Jayatilleke said that we have not seen the 20th Amendment to the Constitution weannot just do whatever the JVP wants. The powers of the Executive Presidency are vested in many areas of the Constitution, and therefore cannot simply abolish it and if they do abolish it, they’ll have to bring in at least another 2,000 provisions in its place. He added that the JVP has never won an election and do not have the development of the country at heart and what they just want is to dismantle the order and create chaos in the country,.He stated that in the 1980s when he was working as a political advisor to President Premadasa the JVP waged a barbaric war to destroy the Sri Lankan State and today it is trying to do the same by means of a constitutional Cold War, by annulling the executive Presidency instead of Victor Ivan hand bonbs, Gal Cutters Ak477 and  T-56, it is using the 20A.

Our generation went through two civil wars, and civil wars within civil wars—in the South and the North and East. In the 1980s we had to defend the state as the bulwark against barbarism and anarchy, against the JVP onslaught. Today we are called upon to do the same in the political, constitutional and ideological arenas.

The JVP tends to excuse its massacres of the late 1980s by saying it was fighting against Indian intervention. This is a lie. Daya Pathirana was killed before any Indian set foot on Sri Lankan soil. The JVP’s bigger issue was devolution. Wijeweera’s magnum opus on the Tamil Eelam problem was a report he presented to the Central Committee, worked up into a book which he published while underground. It contained (in its concluding part) a blistering critique of every single form of autonomy/devolution whatsoever, including the modest district development councils (for  which the JVP had contested). So the JVP massacred people in a civil war against devolution; a war it lost.

The JVP had no real antagonism towards the Executive Presidential system, because if it did, Rohana Wijeweera would not have contested the executive presidency in December 1982

He staqted what’s happening now is that the JVP proposes to abolish the executive Presidency which it did not oppose and actually sought election for it in 1982, and uncage the power devolved to the Northern and Eastern (and other) provinces against which it waged a Pol Pot like civil war of extermination in the late 1980s.

Comments about the abolition of the Executive Presidency

Writing about The abolition of the Executive Presidency, Jayatilleke said that in actuality, it as a vital part of an agreement between Mangala Samaraweera, MA Sumanthiran, Jayampathy Wickramaratne and representatives of the Global Tamil Forum (GTF), arrived at in Singapore in 2013. Quoting TamilNet he said that onThursday, 22 January 2015 itreleased the text. Which sais “Mangala Samaraweera came as a ‘beggar’ urging Tamil support for regime change and abolition of the executive presidency. It was 2013,” said one of the participants, reflecting on the Singapore meeting.’ revealed the TamilNet report. He explained that the new AAnura kumara Dissanayake (AKD) proposal clearly reflects the agreed upon 10-point Singapore text, and reproduced the crucial line:

“The Executive Presidency shall be abolished and the form of government shall be Parliamentary.”

“Mangala Samaraweera came as a ‘beggar’ urging Tamil support for regime change and abolition of the executive presidency. It was 2013,”.

Comments on pro-western liberalism

He said the people are poised to bid a long goodbye to the pro-western liberalism and its socially decadent elite.They want a strong, determined, patriotic, populist leader who will reverse the national decline—a Putin or Erdogan. Contemporary history will shape the backlash which will naturally turn to and draw from the defining social and national experience of our lifetime: the Great War and the successful management of a classic victory.   He said that under no conceivable circumstances whatsoever should the JO-SLPP be on the same side of the barricades as the UNP, in Parliament or outside, calling for a YES vote at a referendum on any issue! If it does so, the JO-SLPP will be switching places with candidate Maithripala Sirisena of January 2015 and providing a progressive mask for a UNP-TNA project. It would also be repeating the sad betrayal by the ex-progressive Maithripala Senanayaka at the Dec 1982 Referendum. The JO-SLPP must call for a NO vote at a referendum on any Constitutional reform, go flat out in the campaign and use the massive rejection of the proposal as a method of ousting the UNP-led Government and its SLFP puppets from office.

Commnts on the dangers of an Alt-Right driven Presidential candidacy

Jayatilleke wrote in an article to Island on 29^th April 2018 as for the dangers of an Alt-Right driven Presidential candidacy and its aftermath as regime, the solution is to launch the dynamic, anti-Establishment political candidacy firmly under Mahinda Rajapaksa’s leadership; anchored, locked-in and contained within the parameters of a bloc of the JO-SLPP-SLFPRebels. He said tht Mahinda must be the Prime Minister that Putin was, not what Madam Bandaranaike was in 1994. That is the only way to reshape a fraught historical conjuncture and risky configuration of forces in which the government and Presidency may be boxed in by an extremist Sinhala Alt-Right constituency and project which will drive us beyond the prudent limits of geopolitical and geostrategic Realism.

Comments on death being faced by the SLFP

Writinf to Daily Mirror on 9^th April, 2018 DJ sad that the SLFP is dying electorally because it has contracted electoral AIDS through its relationship with the UNP led by Ranil Wickremesinghe. It would have been affected by any coalition with the UNP, but it is terminally affected because the UNP is led by Ranil, who is also the PM. He said that no personality in the UNP represents everything that the SLFP voter viscerally opposes, more than Ranil does. Ranil is ‘The Other’ in the eyes of the SLFP voter, because of his persona and his policies.

Ge poinrs out that the SLFP declined to 13% of the vote because it had abdicated its traditional role and function of a moderate nationalist alternative to the center-right United National Party. It played the role of an adjunct, a prop of the UNP.

The SLFP declined to 13% of the vote because it had abdicated its traditional role and function of a moderate nationalist alternative to the center-right United National Party. It played the role of an adjunct, a prop of the UNP.He said that the split in the SLFP has been a boon not only for the JO but perhaps more so for the SLFP. Had the anti-UNP struggle been virtually monopolized by the JO with some wildly anarchic support from the JVP, while the entire SLFP abstained, then the anti-UNP voter would have switched almost completely to the JO, with a small percentage accruing to the JVP. However, thanks solely to the SLFP’s 16 courageous dissenters, the SLFP voters can retain some measure of faith in their traditional party he said.

Comments on Mr Gotabhaya Rjapaksa

Unirially this treacherous writer overwhwlmingly supported Mr. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa (GR) and said that GR is the most suitqable candidate to stand for the post of Executiye Presidency and he even volunteere to address GR’s Eliya and Viyath Maga initial meetings.   Writing to Island on 28^th November this treacherous writer said that Gotabhaya must also, and equally, be defended and saved from the folly of his obscurantist, socially destructive Sinhala Alt-Right friends and allies. He said that his current supporters obliterate his technocratic profile and obstruct his meritocratic modernist potential as a second JR or Premadasa, with their backward ideology. They paint a target on his back, misdirecting him away from the mainstream and the moderate center into the ‘kill-zone’ of the Far Right, making the job of his enemies easier by isolating him fromthe progressives, pluralists and moderates (JO, SLFP) as well as the discontented center-right UNP voters, and of course the minorities. He said that the three characteristic components of the Sinhala Alt-Right are ignorance, irrationality and backwardness, but what are their three sources? The wisdom of the greatest US President, Thomas Jefferson point to one: “History, I believe, furnishes no example of a priest-ridden people facing a free civil government. This marks the lowest grade of ignorance, of which their civil as well as religious leaders will always avail themselves for their own purposes.” he pointed out and remained silemt abount his promotion of  GR.

Comments on the Unit of devolition

Writing several articles to Island in October 2017 this federalism fanatic DJ argued that the unit of devolution in Sri Lanka should be the Province and that the rising tide of Sinhala fundamentalist opposition will damage not only the progressive patriotic Joint Opposition (JO) and the cause of a patriotic, modernizing presidential candidate, but will play into the hands of the Government and what is worse, into the hands of Sri Lanka’s external enemies and lead within our lifetime, to the (avoidable) dismemberment of this country.

He said that the recent rise of the Sinhala New Right, which is at least part funded and propelled by the Sinhala Diaspora with a blue–collar mindset, stems from and thrives on two phenomena: (a) the absence of elections and (b) the cognitive dissonance in the Sinhala psyche caused by the triple assault of constitutional federalization, Geneva accountability and economic foreignization Strongly refuting this self propelled argument the erudite Professor G.H.Peiris wrote a series of articles to the same newspaper said DJ is  aware that, following the curtailment of Presidential powers through the 19th Amendment in 2015, alongside the practice of foreign agents including diplomatic personnel bypassing the Colombo government in their transactions with the ‘Northern PC’ emerging an unofficial ‘convention’ in Sri Lanka’s external relations, his prescription would actually entail the creation of a more autonomous network of PCs than what was envisioned at the promulgation of the 13th Amendment thirty years ago. The Professor also cited historical evidence and sayings of Lord Buddha in support of his arguments..

Criticism of Civil Socieirs

Sternly criticising the Civil Societies for petitioning against him to te High Post Committee said that these groups denounces those like him who fight fascist ideology whether it comes from North or South, because or him,fascism is fascism and is plain wrong, plain evil, whoever and wherever it comes from. He accused that Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekara, former head of the Civil Defence Force (CDF) for tellimg the Irida Lakbima that he wasn’t fit even for the post of a “peon” in an embassy. He described the Rear Admiral is a GLSF star at the Geneva sessions and a paper presenter at the Foreign Policy workshop of the recent Viyath Maga daylong session at the Shangri-La which served as an Alt-Right coming-out ball as his ire was roused because of his support for the implementation of the 13th amendment. He said, the neoliberal civil society activists criticize him because he opposes a move beyond the 13th amendment and the unitary state towards federalism, while Sinhala ultranationalists ex-military brass denounce him because he is for devolution within a unitary state (13A). He descrbed Pajyasothy Saravanamuttu and his CPA as western funded pro west anto Sri Lankan outfits. DJ said that on the morning after the UNHRC vote in which Sri Lanka won 29-12, he was criticized from these same two quarters. The civil society neoliberals denounced him for preventing an inquiry into accountability for alleged war crimes, while Dr. Gunadasa Amarasekara criticized him for a reference to the Presidential promise to ” proceed with the implementation of the 13th amendment” in our victorious Resolution. Thus do the extremes mirror each other; complement to each other.

He said the so-called civil society petition against his designation as Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Russia does not provoke him into a personal defense of his record. As his performance in Geneva had been mentioned in The Economist (UK), The Times (UK) and dealt with in (non-Sri Lankan) PhD theses, post-doctoral monographs, academic journal contributions and book chapters, sufficient to comprise a modest bibliography, and the local “civil society” charges against him only make him smile and shrug.

Comments on UNP

This ne time staunch UNPer said that with the UNP’s crisis having triggered boycotts from within the parliamentary group, ghettoized its May Day in the Sugathadasa Indoor Stadium, and manifested disaffection from supporters outside the stadium, Sajith Premadasa (son of his former boss) emerged clearly as the most popular personality in the UNP and the only hope – and outside chance at best– of avoiding a catastrophe at the Presidential election next year He said that already the UNP’s rightwing elite has begun to counterattack in the mainstream and social media, arguing that the UNP does not need a “duplicate Mahinda”. HEe said that if  the UNP does not repeat the  move of the maestro, President Jayawardene, in 1988 when the party and government’s back was to the wall, and play the Premadasa card, then, as Sajith said, to the assembled party loyalists in his Sugathadasa stadium May 7th speech (referring to the need for total change and radical democratization of the party and its policies): “May God help us!”

Let us conclude the article withy reality

Thiws treacherous DJ said that the SLPP-JO is the sole formation among the serious national contenders for state power next year, to have a May Day procession and rally, signaling that it is still the largest political formation in the island. The JO parliamentarians as a bloc are loyal to Mahinda and no one else. Any aspiring candidate will not only have to secure MR’s fullest support but also earn the trust of the JO parliamentarians. And today’s UNP would be lucky to produce anyone who could be credibly compared with the country’s most loved personality who will doubtless become a folk deity when he is no more.

(Concluded)