Madyawediya

Editorial Courtesy The Daily Mirror

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Sri Lanka might not have the pride it showcased during the Bandaranaike era of politics, but it will stop at nothing to grab all help offered by an Asian nation like China in its attempt to rebuild a weak economy

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China’s President Xi Jinping might not be captured smiling on camera, but President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) has been grinning quite often during the latter’s ongoing official visit to China. 

AKD is on a four-day visit to China (the visit ends on January 17) and the two heads of state have discussed on bilateral issues with Chinese President Xi Jinping giving assurances that the island nation will have China’s support to usher in a new era of development. 

The issue with Sri Lanka has been that past development projects done in the island taking in foreign loans have failed to raise expected revenue. And for much of these projects, China was the lender. At least this time around, the Sri Lankan Government must think of ways to utilise upcoming development projects, so that loans obtained can be repaid. 

The Chinese Government will be all eager to help Sri Lanka only if development projects commenced here support China’s Belt-Road Initiative. Sri Lanka-China relationships stretches back to 1952 when the two nations signed the Rubber-Rice Pact. In earlier times, Sri Lanka didn’t feel settled to help a non-socialist country to import rubber, fearing a backlash from USA. But now the global picture has changed and China is an emerging superpower and a more helpful business partner compared to other ambitious countries, which wish to rope in Sri Lanka and engage in geopolitics.  

Sri Lanka might not have the pride it showcased during the Bandaranaike era of politics, but it will stop at nothing to grab all help offered by an Asian nation like China in its attempt to rebuild a weak economy. China’s presence in East Asia can be annoyingly affected if any other powerful nation secures footing on Sri Lanka in the guise of offering aid and help for development. But AKD was wise enough to do a visit to India first before saying yes to an official visit to China; the latter being AKD’s second official visit to a country after assuming the presidency in September last year. 

There was a gun salute for AKD in China. The Sri Lankan president was then seen laying a floral tribute at the Mao Zedong Mausoleum later on. AKD probably felt his own pulse beating a bit louder when standing near the stature of the Chinese legendary leader because he can relate well to this socialist icon. Zedong was ruthless against his opponents and whatever that stood in his way. AKD can take a cue from China and be ruthlessly efficient instead. Many who work closely with AKD affirm that the new Sri Lankan President is a task master and workaholic; one Sri Lankan social media website recently reported that the island’s president can run a full day at work with just two breaks and that only for two cups of tea!

Forget China’s helping hand towards Sri Lanka, the Chinese are on a mission to conquer the business world and further their maritime interests on the Indian Ocean. During the Sri Lankan head of state’s visit to China, his Chinese counterpart outlined China’s plan to boost its high-quality belt-road initiative and needed the island’s cooperation for it. 

During bilateral discussions between the representatives of the two nations (during this visit) there were the signing of cooperation documents which included an agreement to help Sri Lanka export agriculture products to China.  

This is the time for AKD to strike while the iron is hot! China is more eager to continue being the nation that supports and aids Sri Lanka which easily supersedes the eagerness shown by the island nation to rebuild its fallen economy. China is still far away from Sri Lanka compared to India distance wise, but it has the skills to pull at the heart strings of the Sri Lankan president by whispering inspirational tales of socialism. 

Courtesy The Daily Mirror

Sri Lanka and China have agreed to work towards the early conclusion of a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in one package in line with the principles of equality, mutual benefit, and win-win outcomes, a joint statement from the two countries highlighted.

China expressed its readiness to continue supporting Sri Lankan enterprises in the tea, gem, and other industries in establishing ties with relevant Chinese associations of importers. It also said it would facilitate Sri Lanka’s participation in expos such as the China International Import Expo, China Import and Export Fair, China-South Asia Exposition, and e-commerce platforms.

Sri Lanka expressed appreciation to China for its effort to promote imports from Sri Lanka through various means.

The two sides said they are staisfied with the progress of bilateral cooperation in economy and trade.

Madyawediya

VFM RADIO 107

The dossier was researched and written under the leadership of Professor Grieve Chelwa of The Africa Institute, Global Studies University, through Tricontinental Pan Africa

In Africa, the leading forces of capitalism have ruthlessly wielded a neoliberal conception of corruption to undermine states’ sovereignty and open the continent to plunder at the hands of Western multinational corporations.

26 November 2024

The dossier was researched and written under the leadership of Professor Grieve Chelwa of The Africa Institute, Global Studies University, through Tricontinental Pan Africa.

The artwork in this dossier attempts to illustrate the true face of corruption on the African continent – from the brutal plunder of the colonial era to today’s legalised looting by multinational corporations through tax evasion and other illicit forms of accounting. The satirical images aim to subvert the racialised image of African corruption and highlight the true cost of neo-colonialism and the faces of the true culprits – the Western multinational corporations, banks, and accounting institutions who underdevelop Africa for their own profit.

In the years following the fall of the Soviet Union, the word ‘corruption’ increasingly began to appear in the reports of multilateral agencies and non-governmental organisations. These reports argued that corruption is rooted in the regulatory function of states, which control large-scale development projects and whose officials oversee the delivery of licences and permits; if the regulatory function of states could be minimised, many of these reports argued, corruption would be less pervasive. This kind of anti-corruption discourse fit neatly within the neoliberal drive to shrink states’ regulatory apparatuses, deregulate and privatise economic activity, and promote the idea that the freedom of the market’s invisible hand would create a moral foundation for society.

Yet, none of these reports – including those from the World Bank and Transparency International – offered a clear definition of corruption. In The Anti-Corruption Plain Language Guide (2009), Transparency International defined corruption as ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain’.¹

Three years later, the World Bank described corruption as ‘the abuse of public office for private gain’.²

These definitions are similar, and they continue to be reproduced in reports from multilateral organisations and in academic scholarship. The key word here is ‘abuse’, and the main implication is that someone in the public sector entrusted with power or public office abuses their role for private gain, such as through bribery, nepotism, extortion, and embezzlement. This orientation argues that if the state were smaller or more disciplined, there would be little to no corruption in society. Even though the non-governmental organisation Transparency International added a concern about private sector corruption in 2010, this addition has been marginal to the overall focus on public sector corruption.³

The epicentre of this argument has been the African continent, where the idea of ‘corruption’ – meaning corruption of the state – has effectively been used to diminish the state’s regulatory functions and reduce the number of state employees. It is important to note that while 21% of the European workforce, on average, is employed in the public sector, that number is a mere 2.38% in Mali, 3.6% in Nigeria, and 6.7% in Zambia, which in turn limits these states’ capacity to manage and regulate large multinational corporations on the African continent.⁴

Furthermore, over the course of the 1990s and the 2000s, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) fought to reduce public-sector employees’ salaries, which certainly increases the likelihood of bribery. The IMF outlined this approach in its 1991 Public Expenditure Handbook, whichmakes reducing the wage bill for public-sector workers a central part of its agenda.⁵

In neoliberal literature, corruption primarily takes the form of bribery, extortion, and embezzlement – all of which refer principally to public sector corruption – while omitting concepts such as transfer mispricing, trade mis-invoicing, accounting irregularities, financial mismanagement, and tax avoidance – all of which are essential elements of multinational corporations’ accounting practices.⁶

There are a range of socio-psychological reasons for corruption, the most referenced one being greed. But greed is not a transhistorical concept or emotion; rather, it is shaped by the social formation in which it is allowed to grow. Capitalism has a special relationship to greed, since it fosters the ‘animal spirits’ (as the economist John Maynard Keynes put it) to reduce all human life to commodities and to centralise the profit motive as the economic motor.⁷

Yet, older forms of morality that are eager to set aside hypocrisy and overcome the dominion of money prevail in social consciousness across the world. This dossier is anchored in the popular sentiment against corruption in society, driven largely not by petty bribery but by industrial-scale corruption by private capital. The Malaysian sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas called this ‘tidal corruption’: the corruption that ‘floods the entire state apparatus involving those at the centre of power. Like the tide, it rises to cover wider areas and immerse the surrounding vegetation’.⁸

This dossier is not a defence of corruption; on the contrary, it argues for an understanding of corruption that is not rooted solely in the public sector but that appreciates the tidal corruption set in motion by the leading forces of capitalism. It focuses on the African continent because that is where agencies such as the IMF and the World Bank have most effectively wielded the idea of ‘corruption’ to undermine states’ sovereignty and subjugate the countries of the Global South to the extraordinary power of multinational corporations, particularly in the mining sector.⁹

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Part 1: The Neoliberal Corruption Industry

In 1993, Peter Eigen, a German lawyer who worked at the World Bank in the legal department, registered an association in Germany called Transparency International. Eigen worked with Michael Wiehen (formerly of the World Bank) and Hansjörg Elshorst (formerly of the German Agency for Technical Cooperation) to establish Transparency International in German business and government circles as a legitimate organisation. Before going forward to discipline countries of the Global South, the association had to ensure that European states had built their own legitimacy regarding corruption. That is why they lobbied the governments of France and Germany to stop the policy of what, in Germany, is called Schmiergeld (bribe money); these countries not only allowed bribes to be paid in foreign jurisdictions, but then permitted companies to deduct these payments from tax obligations.¹⁰

This lobbying resulted in the passage of the 1999 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Convention on Combating the Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions. By passing this convention, European officials and their counterparts in North America created a framework about corruption through which to adopt a morally superior position over governments in the Global South.¹¹

In 1997, Matthew Parris, a conservative South African-born member of the British Parliament, said, ‘Corruption has become an African epidemic. It is impossible to overstate the poisoning of human relations and the paralysing of initiative that corruption on the African scale brings’.¹²

This phrase – on the African scale – defines an attitude toward corruption that embodies both the long colonial history of theft and the neocolonial present of corporate malfeasance on the continent.

Yet those who moralise about African corruption have little to say when it comes to the criminality of corporate corruption. Take, for example, the German-South African retail giant Steinhoff International (1964–2023). In 2015, German officials raided the offices of Steinhoff Europe Group Services as part of an investigation into accounting fraud. As the scandal became too big to contain, with new investigations by contracted firms such as PricewaterhouseCoopers, and with Steinhoff’s senior management forced to resign, the South African parliament opened its own investigation of the firm, which found that businesses such as Steinhoff rely upon public funds for their investments, including – in the case of South Africa – the Public Investment Corporation.¹³

These public funds lost billions in Steinhoff’s eventual collapse. In 2019, South Africa’s Financial Sector Conduct Authority imposed an administrative fine of ZAR 1.5 billion (US $95 million) on the company for false, misleading, or deceptive statements to the market. This fine was later reduced to ZAR 53 million (US $3.4 million), a minuscule amount compared to the approximately ZAR 124.9 billion (US $6.9 billion) involved in fictitious or irregular transactions that substantially inflated Steinhoff’s profits and assets between 2009 and 2017.¹⁴

In the service of ‘investor-friendly policies’, these scandals are either underreported or treated as the exception rather than the rule. Yet this is a familiar story, from the accounting debacles at Enron Corporation (2001) and Arthur Andersen (2002) – which led to the largest known case of corporate fraud in history – to the faked emissions scandal at Volkswagen (2015).Top

Before Transparency

In the period of decolonisation and then of the formation of post-colonial states, Western-driven modernisation theory argued that corruption was not a ‘poison’ but an asset that helped shape the relationship between the ruling class and the state apparatus. Drawing from the experience of the United States, Robert K. Merton’s Social Theory and Social Structure (1949) provided the basis for this line of argument: that corruption made the relationship between state officials and the ruling class more intimate.¹⁵

In the 1960s, a range of influential scholars published important articles based on fieldwork in Africa and Asia to substantiate the claim that corruption ‘humanises government’, as Edward Shils wrote in 1960.¹⁶

Indeed, in his classic work Political Order in Changing Societies (1968), Samuel Huntington argued that corruption (or what he defined as ‘patronage from above’) in Africa, Asia, and Latin America had contributed to the creation of ‘the most effective political parties and most stable political systems’.¹⁷

In this Western modernisation literature, which dominated the worldview of multilateral institutions, corruption was treated as an utterly normal – even beneficial – form of economic interaction.

Modernisation theory played a considerable role in the new post-colonial states, but it was not the only approach to economic development. In 1955, the Bandung Final Communiqué made it clear that the most predatory aspect of the world economy’s neocolonial structure was the role of transnational corporations (TNCs), as they were known then (later called multinational corporations, or MNCs). Many of these TNCs, which emerged during the colonial era, had built up their capital stock through colonial theft and structured world economic relations to gain privileged access to raw materials in the former colonies as well as captive markets to which to export their expensive finished products. That is why the new post-colonial states centred the role of TNCs as they developed the platform of the New International Economic Order (NIEO): if these states were to establish sovereignty over their own territories, they had to reduce the power of TNCs either by regulation or restriction.¹⁸

Since many of these states lacked the capacity to develop an in-depth analysis of how these firms were organised or how they managed their financial transactions, they urged the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and other United Nations bodies to do so. In 1974, the UN Centre for Transnational Corporations (UNCTC) was created for this purpose and began to build a database on the major TNCs’ operations in order to understand what was seen as the institutionalisation of corruption through novel manoeuvres of accounting.

At the same time, the post-colonial states understood the grave limitations they had inherited from their old colonial masters all too well, such as a hierarchical state apparatus designed to terrorise the colonised population and a bureaucracy that had been trained to serve the ends of colonialism, not the people. With the departure of the colonial bureaucrats, the now independent states had to train almost an entirely new administration, many of whose cadre came from impoverished or near-impoverished backgrounds (material conditions that increased the temptation to accept bribes). These states opened public administration institutes to develop the capacity of their new employees and to encourage them to work with the spirit of the national liberation struggles that had won them independence. Each state’s attitude towards public administration varied based on its class politics: in states with a more landlord-bourgeois character, the public administration institutes inherited the old colonial forms of bureaucracy without much revision, whereas states with a higher socialist character (such as China and Vietnam) emphasised combatting the forms of hierarchy amongst state officials. In Vietnam, for instance, Ho Chi Minh called upon the new workers to lead by example rather than corrupt society with bribery and extortion (Thi đua là yêu nước, yêu nước thì phải thi đua, Ho Chi Minh said: ‘emulation is patriotism; patriots must emulate’).¹⁹

Since the material conditions to build a new kind of state simply did not exist, modern training and social pressure became the primary avenues through which to inculcate new values against a backdrop of low salaries and great temptations (the ‘creation of a new man’, as Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara wrote).²⁰

Yet, in the era ‘before transparency’, under pressure from TNCs and from Western modernisation theory which justified bribery, post-colonial governments struggled to produce new state values.

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The Age of Transparency

In the 1990s, a new argument emerged from the Western academy and multilateral organisations controlled by Western governments. This new theory, which moved from modernisation to neoliberal theory, suggested that the states in the Global South were the locus of corruption, that a smaller state would largely solve the problem, and that more pressure must be placed on these states in order to ‘discipline’ them. The idea that TNCs – now MNCs (multinational corporations) – could be corrupt completely vanished in this theory.

In 1992, under pressure from the US government, the UNCTC was integrated into UNCTAD, where its mandate was radically transformed. Instead of being a watchdog of these large corporations, the UNCTC put its resources toward helping MNCs enter southern markets. There was no more interest in producing a TNC Code of Conduct, the skeleton of which was relegated to a languishing draft from 1983 that is raised every few years and thereafter ignored in special sessions.²¹

In other words, the UNCTC became largely moot. What is truly remarkable is that the UNCTC and its code of conduct were sidelined by the West just when UNCTAD showed that 80% of global trade (in terms of gross exports) was linked to the international production networks of these mega corporations that operated across national boundaries, and that the market was becoming increasingly concentrated around these firms.²²

That is largely why multilateral agencies make no mention of the private sector in their definition of corruption, which they describe as merely the ‘abuse of public office for private gain’.

In 1995, in place of the UNCTC’s TNC Code of Conduct, Transparency International released its annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI).²³

The CPI was measured by a group of ‘experts’ (often private businessmen) who offered their subjective assessment of public sector corruption in various countries. Even when the CPI redefined corruption in 2010 as ‘the abuse of entrusted power for private gain, encompassing practices in both the public and private sectors’, it still ranked countries based on the perception of corruption in the public sector.²⁴

The underlying neoliberal theory here is that corruption in the public sector corrodes the quality of investments in public goods, as corrupt officials seek to increase the volume of investments in order to increase bribes without considering how those investments align with broader national development goals. According to this theory, the correct course is more privatisation and less government oversight; its proposal for ‘transparency’ is merely to eviscerate regulatory state apparatuses and exaggerate the private sector’s ability to profit from public goods.

Under pressure from Transparency International and allied Western governments, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the UN Convention Against Corruption in 2003, which was replicated in the 2003 African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption. The UN and African Union (AU) treaties do not explicitly define corruption; rather, they make a list of offences that they suggest should be criminalised, which overwhelmingly focuses on the public sector (such as bribery of public officials).²⁵

The UN convention, AU convention, and Transparency International’s CPI treat various types of theft as perfectly legal, including the legal theft of surplus value from workers, the illegal deductions of fines and fees used to penalise workers, and corruption legalised by accountants. By turning a blind eye to corporate corruption and focusing, instead, on bribes of public officials, these entities normalise the structured criminality of capitalism. Furthermore, the Western-driven UN Convention and the Western-based NGO (Transparency International) that have taken charge of this discourse of corruption have made it appear as though the West has transcended corruption and that corruption is primarily a problem in the Global South. This narrative exculpates the Western-based MNCs from blame and erases the long anti-corruption struggles in the Global South, a rich ethical tradition that is rooted both in religion and in common sense.

Meanwhile, the world of accounting has developed a new form of theft called ‘sustainability reporting’, which is emblematic of a broader trend that seeks ways to hide money from tax authorities and legalise corruption. This form of greenwashing allows accounting firms to disclose what they are doing to incorporate environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors in order to discount their taxable income, and in so doing often providing false or misleading claims about the environmental benefits of a product, service, or investment.²⁶

Furthermore, these accounting practices are not obligated to produce or follow a proper environmental assessment, nor are they concerned about the displacement of residents from an area of operation, degradation of ecosystems, misuse of agricultural land, consumption of fossil fuel energy, or harsh exploitation of labour. Despite rampant abuse by MNCs – the plastic pollution generated by Coca-Cola’s Africa branch; logging in Norwegian-owned Green Resources Mozambique, Tanzania, and Uganda; and wildly unethical harvesting of ‘ethical diamonds’ by De Beers, to name a few – accounting firms are allowed to investigate themselves and are absolved from accusations of corruption for this type of behaviour, which falls far outside the neoliberal understanding of corruption.²⁷

Part 2:

How Neoliberalism Has Wielded ‘Corruption’ to Privatise Life in Africa

The Big Heist

Glencore and Zambia

From 2003 to 2023, Zambia’s exports to Switzerland (almost entirely consisting of semi-processed copper) totalled $61 billion – nearly half of the country’s total exports during this period ($145 billion).²⁸

In other words, Switzerland, a tiny landlocked country thousands of kilometres away, has accounted for half of Zambia’s total export market for the last two decades. But it was not always like this.

From 1995 to 1999, for instance, Zambia’s exports to Switzerland, totalling $159 million, made up just 3% of the country’s total exports. This began to change in 2000, when a controlling stake of Mopani Copper Mines (MCM), which up to that point had been owned by the Zambian state, was purchased by Carlisa Investments, a company owned by the giant Swiss commodities trader Glencore AG and domiciled in the British Virgin Islands (itself a tax haven). Therefore, from a legal standpoint, MCM was not owned by Glencore, which allowed Glencore to comply with legal requirements to engage in ‘arm’s length transactions’ with MCM on paper (meaning that they are parties acting independently without influencing each other) while doing the opposite in practice. It is illegal for a company to purchase from and sell to itself (one of the few regulations in place to prevent MNCs from committing tax evasion). However, a company – such as Glencore – can create a subsidiary company – such as Carlisa – with whom it can carry out transactions as if it were a separate company ‘at arm’s length’ while still exercising full influence over the terms and prices in practice. Since it is the subsidiary – Carlisa, in this case – that owns a third company – MCM – Glencore’s transactions with MCM are technically between two independent entities. Efforts are made to ensure that there is no paper trail suggesting otherwise.

* We chose to refer to Glencore as the owner of the mine because in practice, and in common knowledge, Glencore is the owner of the mine. Since Glencore uses Carlisa to obscure its theft of wealth from Zambia, often by shifting its profits around to evade taxes through transfer pricing, we have chosen not to mirror their language of obscurity in this dossier.

As figure 1 shows, Zambia’s annual exports to Switzerland skyrocketed from virtually zero prior to Carlisa’s (i.e., Glencore’s) purchase of MCM in 2000 to nearly $4 billion in 2020. This pattern led many to suspect that Glencore was engaging in transfer pricing – shifting its profits from a high-tax jurisdiction (Zambia) to a low-tax jurisdiction (Switzerland) in order to pay the least possible amount of taxes and maximise its net profits. In other words, instead of having to pay 30% in corporate taxes on the sale of copper in Zambia based on the commodity’s true value, Glencore is able to price the value of copper sales near zero through its relationship with Carlisa and pay taxes on that artificially low amount. Then it pays corporate income taxes in Switzerland at a rate of 14.6% – nearly half the rate it would have had to pay in Zambia.²⁹

In 2010, the Zambia Revenue Authority took Glencore to court for engaging in transfer pricing. Despite arguing that its transactions with MCM were ‘arm’s length’ transactions between two unrelated entities – MCM and Glencore – (after all, MCM was owned by Carlisa, not Glencore), Glencore lost and was instructed to pay a penalty in addition to lost taxes due to transfer pricing.³⁰

After a costly, ten-year legal battle, the decision was upheld by Zambia’s Supreme Court – a landmark ruling that had wider implications for the future taxation of multinational corporations in Zambia and the region. Yet, even so, the penalty levied was a paltry $13 million – a far cry from the hundreds of millions, perhaps billions, of dollars that Glencore has spirited away from Zambia since 2000.³¹

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Thabo Mbeki’s High-Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows

In 2011, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) established the High-Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows, an outcome of a joint conference hosted by the AU and UNECA. In the words of the panel’s chairperson Thabo Mbeki, this was done in the interest of ensuring ‘Africa’s accelerated and sustained development, relying as much as possible on its own resources’ and ensuring ‘respect for the development priorities it had set itself’. After all, Mbeki said, ‘progress on this agenda could not be guaranteed if Africa remained overdependent on resources supplied by development partners’.³²

The panel conducted in-depth analytical studies, interviews, and site visits over the course of several years before delivering a 120-page report to the AU in 2015. The report suggested that, even by conservative estimates, Africa was in fact a net lender of capital to the world – not a net borrower, as is the common perception. In other words, if not for theft on this grand scale, Africa would have all the necessary capital within its borders to meet its developmental aspirations.

The very same multinational corporations that had been billed as partners in Africa’s quest for development were making off with most of the continent’s wealth.

The report focused on illicit financial flows out of Africa, which it defined as ‘money illegally earned, transferred, or used’. ‘In other words’, the report continued, ‘these flows of money are in violation of laws in their [country of] origin, or during their movement or use, and are therefore considered illicit’. Some activities, though ‘not strictly illegal in all cases’, the report explained, could be categorised as ‘illicit’ since they ‘go against established rules and norms, including avoiding legal obligations to pay tax’.³³

The report estimated that from 2000 to 2010, illicit financial flows out of Africa ranged between $30 billion and $60 billion per year, or a total of between $300 billion and $600 billion over the entire 10-year period. Yet, it was careful to state that the true magnitude of illicit financial flows were likely many orders of magnitude higher than the estimates provided, since, as Chairperson Mbeki wrote, ‘those responsible [for illicit financial flows] take deliberate and systematic steps to hide them’.³⁴

For instance, another report on illicit financial flows, produced by Global Financial Integrity in 2015, found that Africa lost $675 billion in illicit financial flows from 2004 to 2013 while the developing world as a whole lost $7.8 trillion during this period, with these flows increasing twice as fast year-on-year as global Gross Domestic Product.³⁵

Importantly, and perhaps without precedent for an inter-governmental analysis, the Thabo Mbeki Report, as it came to be known, revealed that the majority of illicit financial flows out of Africa (about 65%) were due to legally sanctioned commercial activities whose purpose was ‘hiding wealth, evading or aggressively avoiding tax, [and] dodging customs duties and domestic levies’.³⁶

Multinational corporations’ standard way of limiting tax liabilities, the report explained, was to make false declarations, whether about undervaluing export receipts, overvaluing the costs of business with the ultimate purpose of limiting profits, or, in the extreme case, falsely declaring losses. One intriguing example in the report was that of an unnamed telecommunications giant which was causing the host government to lose an estimated $90 million annually through methods such as ‘diverting international calls and transforming them into local calls, with operators then making fake declarations of incoming international call minutes to reduce the tax payable to the [host] government’.³⁷

Though many governments and multilateral agencies committed to implementing the reports’ recommendations when it was published in 2015, there is little to show for these promises as capital continues its unimpeded flight from Africa.

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Part 3: Five Ways to Make Money from Africa

In his 1963 book Africa Must Unite, Ghana’s first President Kwame Nkrumah wrote, ‘We have here, in Africa, everything necessary to become a powerful, modern, industrialised continent. United Nations investigators have recently shown that Africa, far from having inadequate resources, is probably better equipped for industrialisation than almost any other region in the world’. Nkrumah was referring to the United Nations’ Special Study on Economic Conditions and Development, Non-Self-Governing Territories (1958), which detailed the continent’s immense natural resources. ‘The true explanation for the slowness of industrial development in Africa’, Nkrumah wrote, ‘lies in the policies of the colonial period. Practically all our natural resources, not to mention trade, shipping, banking, building, and so on, fell into, and have remained in, the hands of foreigners seeking to enrich alien investors and to hold back local economic initiative’.³⁸

How exactly do alien investors go about making money from ‘everything necessary’ for Africa’s sovereign development? We decided to put together a five-point guide that begins to answer that question.

1. Working with the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organisation to encourage (i.e., coerce) African governments to implement ‘investor-friendly’ policies. By ‘investor-friendly policies’, we mean the kinds of policies that make it easy to bring capital into Africa and use that capital to extract as much wealth as possible from the continent. Examples of such policies include privatising vital social services (health and education are key); enacting tax incentives that make it possible for investors to pay zero taxes; eliminating labour rights so that workers can be exploited as much as possible; and liberalising the host country’s capital account, which makes it easy to extract all the profits made in Africa.
2. Investing in the extractives sector, but not in manufacturing. The trick is to invest in those sectors that make it easy to make a quick buck while hiding behind a veil of opacity. There is no better sector to do this than extractives in Africa, whether drilling oil in Angola, collecting coltan in the Congo, or capturing natural gas in Mozambique. The sites of extraction in this sector are often in enclaves far away from capital cities and, therefore, away from the prying eyes of regulators and the citizenry, thus providing the necessary cover to extract as many resources as possible. Furthermore, investing in extractives rather than manufacturing promises the perpetual underdevelopment of Africa and, therefore, guarantees that the continent will forever be vulnerable to extractive capital – an investment that just keeps giving.
3. Engaging in transfer pricing. Transfer pricing is a time-tested technique developed by MNCs to expatriate as much profit as possible from the Global South. The subsidiary company in Africa ‘sells’ its products to the so-called parent company in the West, which subsequently sells the product to the ultimate beneficiary and, therefore, pockets the profits in the West. For example, a Swiss-owned mining operation in the Congo sells its cobalt to its parent company in Switzerland for a price that is nearly zero; the Swiss company then sells the cobalt to the ultimate buyer located at an electric car company in the US at the true value of the cobalt. The general idea with transfer pricing is to pay as little taxes as possible in Africa while booking the profits in the West and paying moderate taxes there.
4. Exaggerating production costs. Remember that since corporate taxes are levied on profits, anything that fictitiously reduces profits reported in Africa also limits the taxes that the corporation is obliged to pay. The example of transfer pricing is one way to reduce the profits reported in Africa. Another trick is to exaggerate costs incurred on the continent in ways that the authorities cannot verify. For example, a consulting company, located in the West, can provide expensive ‘consulting services’ to an African operation in a way that limits the profits in Africa and shifts them to the West. Another cost exaggeration gimmick is to grant a non-existent loan to an African subsidiary: interest payments on this fake loan serve to exaggerate production costs in Africa and, therefore, limit profits that must be reported there, instead shifting them to the West.
5. Hiring one of the Big Four accounting firms. The Big Four accounting firms – all British – are Deloitte, PricewaterhouseCoopers, Ernst & Young, and Klynveld Peat Marwick Goerdeler. Their stamp of approval is golden, and their audited reports are treated as legal documents. Instead of using information barriers (so called ‘ethical walls’) as they were intended – to ensure the independence and objectivity of the tax advice, consulting services, and auditing – these firms obscure the fact that, often, the same firm provides consulting services while also auditing the hiring company’s books – including auditing these consulting services. For instance, a firm proposes an operational optimisation plan or aggressive tax planning, and that same firm is the ‘independent auditor’ that oversees this plan and then issues an allegedly unbiased opinion that the financial statements are fair. Due to the reduction of state capacity, many African governments now rely upon the reports of accounting firms as uncontested statements of the truth about the operations of MNCs. The hefty fees demanded by the Big Four are very much worth the investment for MNCs, given the hundreds of billions of dollars that they save in taxes.

These five points allow MNCs to make off with Africa’s wealth while ensuring that the continent remains underdeveloped, and yet they are conceptualised as smart business strategies rather than a form of corruption or theft. These actions are legitimised by the hegemonic discourse of corruption, which has taken a decisively neoliberal direction that seeks to dismantle state regulation and protect MNCs. Actual corruption – which manifests both in the corruption of MNCs and the petty corruption of public officials – must be tackled head on, indeed with a clarity that does not exist at present.

Will there ever be an AU Convention on Corporate Corruption?

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Notes

¹ Transparency International, The Anti-Corruption Plain Language Guide (Berlin: Transparency International, 28 July 2009), 14, https://images.transparencycdn.org/images/2009_TIPlainLanguageGuide_EN.pdf.

² Daniel W. Barnes et al., Public Office, Private Interests: Accountability Through Income and Asset Disclosure (Washington, DC: World Bank Group, 16 March 2012), ix.

³ ‘Taking the Temperature: Corruption Perceptions Index 2010’, Transparency International (blog), 26 October 2010, https://blog.transparency.org/2010/10/26/cpi2010_temperatures_up/.

⁴ International Labour Organisation, ‘Country Profiles’, ILOSTAT, accessed 29 September 2024, https://ilostat.ilo.org/data/country-profiles/.

⁵ Mr Ke-young Chu and Mr Richard Hemming, Public Expenditure Handbook: A Guide to Public Policy Issues in Developing Countries (Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund, 1991).

⁶ Manenga Ndulo and Edna Kambala, ‘Transfer Mispricing in Africa: Contextual Issues’, Southern African Journal of Policy and Development 4, no. 1 (1 May 2018).

⁷ For more on this concept, see Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, The World in Economic Depression: A Marxist Analysis of Crisis, notebook no. 4, 10 October 2023, https://thetricontinental.org/dossier-notebook-4-economic-crisis/.

⁸ Syed Hussein Alatas, The Problem of Corruption (Kuala Lumpur: The Other Press, 2015), 64. This edition is built on the original 1968 text by Alatas called The Sociology of Corruption.

⁹ For more, see Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, Resource Sovereignty: The Agenda for Africa’s Exit from the State of Plunder, dossier no. 16, 7 May 2019, https://thetricontinental.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/190503_Dossier-16_EN_Final_Web.pdf and The Congolese Fight for Their Own Wealth, dossier no. 77,25 June 2024, https://thetricontinental.org/dossier-77-the-congolese-fight-for-their-own-wealth/.

¹⁰ Ellen Gutterman, ‘The Legitimacy of Transnational NGOs: Lessons from the Experience of Transparency International in Germany and France’, Review of International Studies 40, no. 2 (April 2014): 391–418.

¹¹ Barbara Crutchfield George, Kathleen Lacey, and Jutta Birmele, ‘The 1998 OECD Convention: An Impetus for Worldwide Change in Attitudes Toward Corruption in Business Transactions’, American Business Law Journal 37, no. 3 (2000).

¹² Morris Szeftel, ‘Misunderstanding African Politics: Corruption and the Governance Agenda’, Review of African Political Economy 25, no. 76 (June 1998): 221.

¹³ Parliament of the Republic of South Africa, ‘Finance Committee Outraged by Irregularities in Steinhoff’, Press Release, 6 December 2018, https://www.parliament.gov.za/press-releases/finance-committee-outraged-irregularities-steinhoff.

¹⁴ ‘FSCA Levies Record R1.5 Billion Fine against Steinhoff International Holdings N.V. for False, Misleading and Deceptive Statements to the Market’, Herbert Smith Freehills, 20 September 2019, https://www.herbertsmithfreehills.com/notes/fsrandcorpcrime/2019-09/fsca-levies-record-r1-5-billion-fine-against-steinhoff-international-holdings-n-v-for-false-misleading-and-deceptive-statements-to-the-market; ‘Steinhoff Will Only Have to Pay R53 Million of Its R1.5 Billion Fraud Fine’, BusinessTech, 12 September 2019, https://businesstech.co.za/news/business/340685/steinhoff-will-only-have-to-pay-r53-million-of-its-r1-5-billion-fraud-fine/.

¹⁵ Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure. Toward the Codification of Theory and Research (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1949).

¹⁶ Edward Shils, ‘Political Development in the New States’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 2, no. 3 (April 1960): 385. Based on fieldwork in a number of African states, a number of scholars developed the argument of Merton and Shils, see M. McMullan, ‘A Theory of Corruption’, The Sociological Review 9, no. 2 (July 1961) and Colin Leys, ‘What Is the Problem with Corruption?’, The Journal of Modern African Studies 3, no. 2 (August 1965): 215–230.

¹⁷ Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1968), 70.

¹⁸ For more on the NIEO, see Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, Sovereignty, Dignity, and Regionalism in the New International Order, dossier no. 62, 14 March 2023, https://thetricontinental.org/dossier-regionalism-new-international-order/.

¹⁹ See Vijay Prashad, ed., Selected Ho Chi Minh (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2022).

²⁰ For more, see Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara,‘Socialism and Man in Cuba’, in Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara: On Socialism and Internationalism (New Delhi: LeftWord Books, 2020), 83, https://thetricontinental.org/text-che/.

²¹ See United Nations, Commission on Transnational Corporations, Report on the Special Session (7–18 March and 9–21 May 1983), Economic and Social Council Official Records, 1983, supplement no. 7, E/1983/17/Rev. 1 (New York: United Nations, 1983), https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&opi=89978449&url=https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/204950/files/E_1983_17_Rev-1-EN.pdf%3Fln%3Dar&ved=2ahUKEwigz5aL7cSJAxXxqVYBHctSLlcQFnoECBYQAQ&usg=AOvVaw2la6mtRlj4cq6wQh3gbHLy; United Nations Economic and Social Council, Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations, UN Document, E/RES/1987/57 (10 June 1987), https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/156251?ln=en&v=pdf.

²² United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Global Value Chains and Development: Investment and Value Added Trade in the Global Economy (New York: United Nations, 2013), iii, https://unctad.org/system/files/official-document/diae2013d1_en.pdf; United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Trade and Development Report 2018: Power, Platforms, and the Free Trade Delusion (New York and Geneva: United Nations, 2018), https://unctad.org/system/files/official-document/tdr2018_en.pdf.

²³ ‘Corruption Perceptions Index’, Transparency International, 30 January 2024, https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2023.

²⁴ Bill De Maria, ‘Neo-Colonialism Through Measurement: A Critique of the Corruption Perception Index’, Critical Perspectives on International Business 4, no. 2/3 (2 May 2008): 184–202; Faiz-ur-Rahim and Asad Zaman, ‘Corruption: Measuring the Unmeasurable’, Humanomics 25, no. 2 (June 2009): 117–126.

²⁵ United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, United Nations Convention Against Corruption (New York: United Nations, 2004), https://www.unodc.org/documents/brussels/UN_Convention_Against_Corruption.pdf; African Union, African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption, adopted 1 July 2003, https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/36382-treaty-0028_-_african_union_convention_on_preventing_and_combating_corruption_e.pdf.

²⁶ ‘What Is ESG Investing and Analysis?’, CFA Institute, 4 March 2024, https://www.cfainstitute.org/en/rpc-overview/esg-investing.

²⁷ Adenike Abati, ‘Examining Coca-Cola’s Role in Global Plastic Pollution’, Climate Action Africa, 17 November 2021, https://climateaction.africa/coca-colas-role-in-global-plastic-pollution/; World Rainforest Movement, ‘Green Resources Mozambique: More False Promises!’, WRM Bulletin, no.235 (9 January 2018), https://www.wrm.org.uy/bulletin-articles/green-resources-mozambique-more-false-promises; Matthew Gavin Frank, ‘De Beers: Destruction Is Forever’, EcoWatch, 17 March 2021, https://www.ecowatch.com/de-beers-diamond-mining-greenwashing-2651117844.html.

²⁸ United Nations, ‘UN Comtrade Database’, accessed 5 November 2024, https://comtradeplus.un.org/.

²⁹ PricewaterhouseCoopers, ‘Zambia: Corporate – Taxes on Corporate Income’, PwC World Tax Summaries, accessed 5 November 2024, https://taxsummaries.pwc.com/zambia/corporate/taxes-on-corporate-income; PricewaterhouseCoopers, ‘Switzerland: Overview’, PwC World Tax Summaries, accessed 5 November 2024, https://taxsummaries.pwc.com/switzerland.

³⁰ ‘Zambia Court Ruling Against Copper Mining Company Is a Victory Against Abusive Tax Practices’, African Tax Administration Forum, 1 June 2020, https://www.ataftax.org/zambia-court-ruling-against-copper-mining-company-is-a-victory-against-abusive-tax-practices.

³¹ A 2021 Oxfam study estimated that Glencore was underpaying its taxes in Zambia by about $100 million per annum between 2011–2018. See Daniel Mulé and Mukupa Nsenduluka, ‘Potential Corporate Tax Avoidance in Zambia’s Mining Sector? Estimating Tax Revenue Gains from Addressing Profit Shifting or Revising Profit Allocation Rules. A Case Study of Glencore Mopani Copper Mines’, Oxfam Research Backgrounder series, 9 December 2021, https://www.oxfamamerica.org/explore/research-publications/potential-corporate-tax-avoidance-in-zambias-m

How Neoliberalism Has Wielded ‘Corruption’ to Privatise Life in Africa

Courtesy The Straits Times

BEIJING – China and Sri Lanka agreed on more investment and economic cooperation on Wednesday as China’s President Xi Jinping met recently-elected Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Beijing.

The countries signed 15 cooperation documents, including agreements on economic and technological development and aligning China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ with Sri Lanka’s 2030 digital economy blueprint.

Specifics of the deals were not disclosed at the signing ceremony.

Dissanayake’s visit to his country’s largest bilateral lender comes after first travelling to regional rival India.

Dissanayake won a big majority in September’s election, pledging to tweak the terms of an International Monetary Fund rescue package, and on his leftist coalition’s plans to fight poverty and graft.

Sri Lanka had been moving closer to China under the previous Rajapaksa government, leaning heavily on Chinese lending to build highways, a port, an airport and a coal power plant as part of Xi’s flagship cross-continent Belt and Road infrastructure initiative.

Colombo secured a preliminary $10 billion bilateral debt deal rework with key lenders including China, Japan and India last June and a $12.5 billion bondholder deal in December.

However, it needs direct agreements with China EXIM Bank and China Development Bank to lock in the deal to continue demonstrating progress to the IMF in restructuring its foreign debt to secure further disbursements from a $2.9 billion IMF bailout programme.

“I am willing to work with you, Mr President, to chart a new vision for the development of bilateral relations and promote new and greater achievements in China-Sri Lanka’s friendship and cooperation,” Xi told Dissanayake on Wednesday, speaking at the Great Hall of the People.

Welcoming more Chinese investment, Dissanayake told his host: “China has supported important and valuable infrastructure development in Sri Lanka via the Belt and Road Initiative and China has been and remains a key development partner.”

But during his visit to Delhi in December, Dissanayake struck a wide range of energy and security cooperation agreements with the other regional superpower, signalling his new government wants to become less reliant on Beijing.

Sri Lanka’s economy has begun a tentative recovery, but the high cost of living is still a critical issue for many, especially the poor.

China, the world’s second-largest economy, could give an economic helping hand by buying more Sri Lankan goods, of which it mostly buys tea, clothing, chemicals and other commodities, according to U.N. COMTRADE data, and through encouraging more Chinese tourists to consider holidaying there.

“It is necessary to strengthen people-to-people exchanges between the two sides and enhance new ties between the two peoples,” Xi told Dissanayake, according to the Chinese state broadcaster. REUTERS

Courtesy Adaderana

The People’s Republic of China has played a vital role in the social and economic development of Sri Lanka for decades, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake said after meeting Chinese President Xi Jinping today. 

Dissanayake said his visit will strengthen bilateral collaborations for the benefit of both countries and their people.

President Dissanayake, who is currently on a four-day state visit to China, held an official meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping this afternoon (15) at the Great Hall of the People.

Upon President Dissanayake’s arrival at the Great Hall, he was warmly received by President Xi Jinping. The welcoming ceremony was conducted with great honour, including a ceremonial gun salute, according to the President’s Media Division (PMD).

Following the initial cordial discussions between the two leaders, bilateral talks commenced. During the discussions, President Xi Jinping emphasized China’s readiness to work closely with Sri Lanka in ushering in a new era of development.

He also recalled the longstanding relationship between the two countries, highlighting the close friendship that has existed for decades. President Xi reiterated China’s commitment to continuing its cooperation with Sri Lanka in the future, the PMD said.

Upon concluding the official meeting, both sides proceeded to sign several key Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) aimed at strengthening collaboration in areas such as economy, social development, and industry.

Minister of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism Vijitha Herath, Minister of Transport, Highways, Ports, and Civil Aviation Bimal Rathnayake, and Director General of the Government Information Department H.S.K.J. Bandara were also part of the delegation accompanying President Disanayake.

Dasatha News

Madyawediya

Madyawediya

Divaina Online

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe Courtesy Ceylon Today

By Shivanthi Ranasinghe

The international lifestyle magazine ‘Vogue’ has given Sri Lanka a glowing endorsement by claiming the Island as this winter’s hottest travel destination. This recognition from the prestigious magazine will certainly help Sri Lanka in more than one way.

Revenues earned from tourism and foreign remittances are the two main single factors that are contributing to strengthening our economy. Therefore, high recommendations from highly influential sources as Vogue not only boost tourist arrivals. It will greatly support a deeply troubled economy. 

How is the Sri Lankan tourism faring? 

Sri Lanka’s tourism industry has many reasons to feel optimistic. Year 2024 recorded over two million (2,053,465 tourist to be exact) tourist arrivals. This is a 28 percent increase compared to 2023. In the month of December alone 248,592 visitors came to Sri Lanka. According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, we earned USD 3,168.6 million. This is a significant 53.2% increase from our earnings in 2023. 

Though 2025 is still young, tourist arrivals continue to show an upward trend. In the first nine days of this month, 70,944 visitors have been recorded.

While these figures are encouraging, we still have not reached the numbers we had before the Easter Sunday attacks in April 2019. Just the year before, Sri Lanka recorded 2.3 million tourists. 

Our tourism industry has been through a lot. Terrorism that gripped this Island nation for nearly 30 years took a toll on tourism. However, its rise since the annihilation of terrorism in 2009 was mercuric. This growing industry took a devastating blow with the Easter Sunday attack. The global pandemic thereafter kept the sector down on its knees. The anti-government protests hit tourism hard and refused to let the industry help the collapsing economy. 

Yet throughout all these misadventures, Sri Lanka’s tourism remained resilient. Especially during the pandemic, we saw the industry coming up with very innovative solutions. 

However, while our industry has shown immense courage and resilience, we have fallen short on imagination. Our tourism is being sustained by mostly the natural beauty, wild life and archaeological sites. In every other aspect pertaining to adventure that travellers seek, we still have only a skeleton of it. When we think of enhancing the industry, we look at increasing our accommodation capacities. 

If we are to compare ourselves with other popular tourist destinations as Singapore or the Maldives, we can see that we are falling short in a very bad way. Even a frequent visitor to Singapore will see that the city nation’s landscape is constantly changing. It’s a country with very little landmass. Yet, every inch is devoted to its economy. 

Everything in Singapore has been made into an adventure. For instance, compare our Dehiwela zoo against the Singapore zoo, the night life safari, the underwater world and the bird park where one can breakfast” with colourful parakeets. Compare our museums with archaeological artifacts with Singapore’s museums for history and science for children. 

We are looking at the numbers of tourist arrivals and feel satisfied to see it edging beyond two million. Today we have a three million USD industry whereas Singapore is enjoying approximately an USD 21 billion industry. 

The sad truth is that our tourism is simply acting as a buoyant to our sinking economy. If it is to actually strengthen our economy, then we need to look beyond just the arriving numbers. We have to attract tourist with high spending capacities and give them plenty of reasons to spend. This is the strategy of Singapore. 

Remittances saving the day

Foreign remittances from migrant workers that come to Sri Lanka as cross -border payments to friends and family have also been a lifesaver to our economy. In 2023, remittances to Sri Lanka through formal banking channels increased by 57 percent. By June 2024, workers’ remittances increased by 11.4 percent from the same period in 2023. Last December, a significant increase of USD 613.8 million was recorded, which was USD 44.1 more than what was received during December 2023 and a jump from the remittances received in November 2024, which was USD 530.1 million. 

Our main sources of remittances are from countries as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, India, Italy, China, Japan, Australia, and Canada. Most of our migrant workers in these countries are employed as skilled or semi-skilled workers. Therefore, most of our migrant workers do not earn high wages and forced into compromises just so that they can save enough to send money home. 

Foreign remittances was a revenue that saved the Indian economy. The Indian migrant worker was also either skilled or semi-skilled. However, most of those who secured overseas jobs, especially in the computer field, never stayed in that job for long. Citing experience from their current job, they would apply for the next level in the corporate ladder. While on the job, they would be single-mindedly focussed on learning everything they could learn about it. Today, Indians fill a significant portion of top level executive positions in the corporate world. 

Sri Lanka too must learn this lesson from India. If we are to depend from foreign remittances, then we need to improve our education programmes so that our workers can move from skilled to highly skilled categories. 

Can our earnings support our imports? 

The USD 613.8 million we received as foreign remittances in December 2024 may seem like a lot of money. However, we must not forget that we are an import dependent country. Even the flimsiest polytene bag is made from imported materials. 

Our biggest bane is our dependency on oil imports. This literally runs our entire economy. In an average month, we spend around USD 200 million on fuel. For instance, in the first four months of 2024, we spent USD 648.7 million on oil imports.

We do have renewable energy sources in the form of hydro electricity power plants as well as solar and wind. However, this has not made much of a dent in our dependency for fuels and this will deepen as the restrictions on vehicle ban is lifted. The excise duties ranging from 200 percent to 300 percent have been imposed on the imported vehicles. While this will improve the State revenue, the fuel bill will continue to rise. 

Instead of addressing this glaring issue, the Government has embarked on the ambiguous programme, The Clean Sri Lanka project. According to PM Harini Amarasuriya, the objective of this programme is to, integrate and facilitate all efforts made in the country with social, moral and environmental principles to restore Sri Lanka as a developed nation. Our ultimate goal is to establish good governance concepts and establish values and ethics for interactions and human relations at all levels of our society, thereby creating a beautiful nation of smiling people.”

So far this programme has not tackled vehicles that emit toxic fumes, which is a clear sign of fuel wastage and a major contributor to environmental pollution as well as a health hazard. Instead, the police are pouncing on public buses and three wheelers for their vehicle modifications items. How removal of these would contribute to a clean Sri Lanka is unclear. 

However, it has already forced a factory in Bandaragama that produce these modifications under a government-approved license to close down. Consequently, 80 lost their livelihoods overnight. What this will do for the spirit of individuality, entrepreneurship and economy is already written on the wall. 

ranasingheshivanthi@gmail.com

By Shiran Illanperuma Courtesy Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research

Positioned at the geographic and political heart of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka is the epicentre of the 21st century struggle for regional influence.

• U.S. Department of State, Integrated Country Strategy – Sri Lanka, 2022

On 23 September 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake (referred to locally as AKD) was sworn in as the 9th executive President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. AKD is the first President of Sri Lanka to not belong to the political duopoly of the nationalist Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and comprador United National Party (UNP), and their offshoots which have ruled the country in turns since the 1950s.

In the first elections held since the collapse of the Sri Lankan economy in 2022 and its default on external debt, AKD secured 42.31% of the popular vote, while his right-wing rivals Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe secured 32.76% and 17.27% respectively. A month later, on 15 October 2024, AKD’s party the Jathika Jana Balawegaya (National People’s Power – NPP) won a thumping 61.56% of the popular vote in the general elections.

In contrast to his fiery pre-election speeches, which lashed out at the corruption of establishment politicians, AKD struck a measured tone in his first speech as President. Acknowledging the significant challenges that his government inherits, AKD said that the ‘profound crisis’ facing the country could not be resolved by a single government, political party, or individual. ‘I am not a magician. I am simply an ordinary citizen of this country, with both strengths and limitations, knowledge and gaps,’ AKD said. Now in power, AKD must temper messianic expectations and govern under conditions given to him. All this while commanding a party with little experience in holding the reins of government, let alone withstanding the daily harangues that can be expected from the local and foreign agents of imperialism.

Following these elections, mainstream media outlets moved rather recklessly to label AKD and the NPP government as, ‘Marxist’, ‘Marxist-leaning’ or ‘Neo-Marxist’. It is true that the core constituent party of the NPP is the Marxist-Leninist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People’s Liberation Front – JVP), of which AKD is also the leader. However, the main representatives of this force have been far more cautious in how they label themselves. In 2023, AKD compared the NPP to a national liberation movement. On the eve of elections this was moderated to the more neutral sounding ‘national renaissance’. Some intellectuals close to the party have described the NPP as ‘Left-populist’. More recently, JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva has said that, ‘Ours is not a leftist government, but one of leftists, democratic, and progressive forces’.

The NPP’s caution to label itself gives an indication of the delicate balance of political forces, both within the party and in the country at large. The fledgling government has already shown its inclinations and limitations. On foreign policy, the government has formally applied for membership in BRICS, although neither the President, Prime Minister nor Foreign Minister attended the summit in Kazan. In his first speech to the diplomatic community, the NPP foreign minister Vijitha Herath reiterated Sri Lanka’s call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, alongside support for the establishment of an independent State of Palestine. On the domestic front, one of AKD’s first acts was to instruct the Treasury to provide subsidies for farmers and fisherfolk. The government has also scrapped plans to privatise national carrier Sri Lankan Airlines and public electricity provider Ceylon Electricity Board.

However, the risk of lapsing into neoliberal immobility remains ever present. While there may be a new President and a slew of new faces in Parliament, the officials in charge of the Treasury and Central Bank of Sri Lanka remain the same. The government has chosen to continue with an ongoing IMF program and its path of fiscal consolidation. It has also continued with a disastrous debt restructuring agreement negotiated by the preceding government. According to IMF Director Kristalina Georgieva, ‘The Sri Lankan authorities have reaffirmed their determination to persevere with their reform agenda and put the economy on a path of sustained and high growth’.

To understand Sri Lanka’s present conjuncture, and the dilemma’s facing the new government, a concrete analysis of the preceding years is required. The main factors for analysis are the interplay between Sri Lanka’s geopolitical significance in the US Indo-Pacific Strategy, as well the country’s legacy of colonial underdevelopment and indebtedness.

Sri Lanka as epicentre of Indo-Pacific Strategy

Shortly after the conclusion of Sri Lanka’s Civil War in 2009, the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, then led by senator John Kerry, published a report titled Sri Lanka: Recharting U.S. Strategy After the War. The report argued that policymakers in Washington tended to ‘underestimate Sri Lanka’s geostrategic importance’, insisting that, ‘the United States cannot afford to lose Sri Lanka’.14 These statements were partly in reference to the Western criticism of Colombo’s handling of the war against the separatist group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Amid Western pressure to pursue peace talks, including a US arms embargo, Colombo forged closer ties with China, Russia, Iran, and Libya, who provided the arms and financing needed to clinch victory against the LTTE. During the final years of the war, the JVP played a pivotal role in mobilising public support, insisting that peaceful negotiations were impossible with the LTTE. Given a history of repeated failed peace talks and ceasefires, this was a persuasive argument to many war-fatigued Sri Lankans. Thus, Washington’s fear of ‘losing Sri Lanka’ needs to be understood in the context of Sri Lanka’s domestic nationalist upsurge against separatism, as well as the country’s foreign policy swing towards forces in the Global South.

Sri Lanka’s economic and foreign policy shifted to the right after the 2015 elections, as the nationalist SLFP split and one faction formed a coalition with the UNP, whose leader Ranil Wickremesinghe became Prime Minister. Despite criticising Sri Lanka’s human rights record in diplomatic forums, the US began a concerted effort to improve military engagement with Sri Lanka’s armed forces, specifically with the Navy. This entailed training and joint military exercises, and the donation of navy vessels. The US also sought to pressure the government in Colombo into signing a trifecta of agreements, which Sri Lankan diplomat Tamara Kunanayakam warned were ‘part and parcel’ of the US Indo-Pacific strategy, and, if signed, would violate Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and drag the country into ‘a war not of its own making’. These agreements were:

1. The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC). Political economist W.D. Lakshman (who served as governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka from 2019 to 2021) warned that the MCC’s provisions for the privatisation of publicly owned land would pave the way for a land grab by multinational companies. A government committee appointed to review the MCC agreement recommended rejecting it unconditionally, noting that certain stipulations would be in violation of the constitution.
2. The Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA). ACSA, which provides the US military with logistical support and refuelling services in Sri Lanka was first signed in 2007. The agreement was never tabled in Parliament despite pressure from the Left. ACSA was renewed under hasty and similarly opaque circumstances in 2017. The new agreement was said to be open-ended and over ten times as long as the previous one.
3. The Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). SOFA was first signed by the Sri Lankan government in 1995, and a new draft was sent to the government in 2018. A leaked version of the draft revealed that US security forces and contractors, as well as personnel of Department of Defence, would enjoy legal immunities equivalent to diplomatic staff.

The JVP constituted part of the popular opposition to these agreements. For example, in an interview in 2020, AKD said that his position on the MCC was ‘a big no’, citing concerns over land privatisation. However, the political formation that most effectively drove and capitalised upon popular opposition to these neocolonial proposals was the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (Sri Lanka People’s Front – SLPP), a big-tent party founded by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, which included Sinhala nationalists and elements of the Old Left (namely the Lanka Sama Samaja Party founded in 1935 and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka founded in 1943). In the 2019 presidential elections, the SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Mahinda Rajapaksa’s brother) scored a comfortable victory in a campaign that was inflected with a combination of economic grievances and concerns over the erosion of the country’s sovereignty.

Following the 2019 elections, US pressure on Sri Lanka intensified. A government-appointed commission recommended that the country refrain from signing the proposed MCC agreement with the US. In 2022, the US sanctioned Sri Lanka’s Chief of Army Staff Lt. Gen Shavendra Silva. The same year, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visited Sri Lanka for a 12-hour trip, during which he told the media that the ‘Chinese Community Party is a predator’. This blunt and aggressive posturing by Pompeo made perfectly clear that the US viewed Sri Lanka as key part of its Indo-Pacific Strategy and New Cold War against China. Indeed, the US State Department notes ‘more than 60,000 ships – including two- thirds of the world’s seaborne crude oil, half of its container ships, and all U.S. Navy vessels passing between the 5th and 7th Fleets – annually transit Sri Lankan waters’.

In March 2022, on the eve of the protests that would go on to oust President Rajapaksa, US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland visited the country to meet with civil society. Rajapaksa’s ouster bore some similarities to the protests that overthrew Sheikh Hasina in Bangladesh, constituting a combination of internal factors and genuine grievances over governance failures and economic conditions, as well as hybrid war tactics by the US and its network of soft power agencies to gain advantage through the crisis. As is the case in many of these situations, external interests capitalised on internal contradictions. Following Rajapaksa’s ouster, right-wing leader Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed interim President. Under his leadership, the US had donated more navy cutters to the Sri Lankan military. Months later, Sri Lanka appeared further subordinated to US imperialism after it sent one of its own navy vessels to the Red Sea in order to help the US fight the Ansarullah government in Yemen.

Sri Lanka in the International Sovereign Bond Debt-Trap

Sri Lanka was the original poster child for the myth of the Chinese debt-trap, which has now been thoroughly debunked by both local and foreign experts. The truth is that the cause for Sri Lanka’s indebtedness can be traced back to the colonial structure of its plantation economy, which has only been augmented through additional dependencies on tourism, remittances, and low-value added manufacturing. Despite attempts by nationalist and left-leaning governments, Sri Lanka has failed to achieve food and energy self-sufficiency, or to set in motion a self-expanding process of industrialisation.

The end of Sri Lanka’s Civil war in 2009 coincided with the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and the Great Recession. Sri Lanka was relatively insulated from economic downturn as the end of the war brought about a honeymoon period as tourism and property speculation boomed. The Obama administration’s bailing out of the banks through Quantitative Easing unleashed a wave of speculative investments to the Global South, including countries like Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, China’s going out in the wake of the GFC allowed the Sri Lankan government to engage in further fiscal expansion through an ambitious program of infrastructure development, focusing on roads, ports, energy, and not just a few white elephants. However, these shortcomings in the mobilisation of Chinese development finance are more attributable to Colombo’s lack of vision and coherent industrial policy, than any malice on the part of China. As Chinese envoys have often emphasised, all projects were undertaken at the request of the Sri Lankan government, and shortcomings have usually been due to the lack of domestic capacity to manage projects efficiently.

As a lower-middle income country, Sri Lanka found itself increasingly locked out of concessionary finance from multilateral organisations, and so began turning towards private lenders. The country launched its first International Sovereign Bond (ISB) in 2007. However, it is the rightward shift in policy following the change of government in 2015 that completely transformed Sri Lanka’s debt profile, as the government binged on over USD 10 billion worth of ISBs. Therefore, on the eve of Sri Lanka’s default in 2022, only 13.67% of external debt was owed to China. By contrast, 42.43% of external debt was to private bondholders, like Blackrock and Ashmore. To make matters worse, this private debt was of much higher interest rates than bilateral debt from China, accounting for over 70% of interest payments in 2021.

When the COVID-19 pandemic hit, the vulnerabilities of Sri Lanka’s economic structure became painfully apparent. The lack of foreign exchange inflows due to the collapse of tourism and remittances, combined with inflation caused by global supply chain crunches and commodity price booms, brought the economy to its knees. Following the ouster of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022, the governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka announced a ‘pre-emptive default’ on external debt. In the months that followed, the interim President Ranil Wickremesinghe used the chaos to enforce a dizzying array of shock therapy style reforms, unthinkable under conditions of normality. These included:

1. Austerity. Withdrawals of fuel subsidies and cost reflective pricing of energy. This contributed to plunging thousands into poverty and off the electricity grid.
2. Domestic debt restructuring. A restructuring of domestic debt that singled out the pension funds of the working class while allowing domestic capitalists, bankers, and bondholders to walk away scot-free.
3. Central Bank independence. Legislating Central Bank independence, which would prevent the Central Bank of Sri Lanka from purchasing government debt. Concretely, this means that the government is significantly restrained from countercyclical spending in the event of an external shock. Additionally, it could weaken the government’s ability to control interest rates. The act severs monetary sovereignty as it forces the country to rely exclusively on private lenders for financing.
4. External debt restructuring. An external debt restructuring agreement negotiated with the mediation of the IMF has been described by local critics as a sell-out. The agreement includes swapping existing bonds for newer bonds, some of them being novel financial instruments.
   1. Macro-linked bonds – These are bonds, whose interest rates will be linked to Sri Lanka’s economic performance. As GDP growth rates increase, so too do the interest payments. In effect, Sri Lanka must pay its creditors more for growing faster.
   1. Governance-linked bonds – These bonds tie the interest rate to the government’s implementation of anti-corruption legislation. There is a reasonable concern that this amounts to a kind of blackmail on a sovereign government to adjust its administrative structure according to the whims of international finance capital.

The Rise of the NPP

The NPP coalition includes 21 civil society organisations including trade unions. However, the prime mover within the party is undoubtedly the JVP. The JVP was established by Rohana Wijeweera in 1965, largely through the youth wing of the Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist), which in turn was the result of a 1964 split in the undivided Communist Party of Ceylon that mirrored the tragic Sino-Soviet split.

Till date, the JVP was targeted, and their ranks were decimated twice. First, following an attempted youth insurrection in 1971, and again during another insurrection from 1987-1989. The latter resulted in the assassination of Wijeweera along with the entirety of the party’s politburo, except for Somawansa Amarasinghe. Building the party from scratch, Amarasinghe went on to lead the party on the path of reform and was instrumental in taking JVP into electoral politics. During Amarasinghe’s leadership, the JVP dabbled in electoral coalitions, first supporting the SLFP’s Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga in 1994, then SLFP’s Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2005, and finally joining the UNP in supporting Army Commander Sarath Fonseka’s bid for Presidency in 2010.

It was in 2014 that the next big shift came, as AKD was made the new leader of the JVP. He has attempted to chart a more independent and centrist path for the party, rejecting coalitions with established political parties and personalities. Following the JVP’s 7th National Congress, the party released a document which proposed a national policy framework for a ‘modernised and industrialised Sri Lanka’. In 2019, the National People’s Power was launched, with the JVP at its core. The broader coalition of NPP helped open JVP’s doors to the middle-class that traditionally was wary of the Party’s radical history. This included professionals, academics, artists, public intellectuals, and even traders and business owners.

The NPP’s success lays in this ability to overcome the JVP’s previous sectarianism and incorporate a broader coalitions of class forces, while at the same time remaining independent of established political parties. For the most part, NPP’s recent electoral campaign avoided a frontal assault that identified the enemy as capitalism, imperialism, or even neoliberalism. Rather, the NPP chose to focus on the vaguer category of corruption, which struck a chord among large portions of the middle-class who felt that the immediate cause of their plight was bad governance. The NPP was able to locate elements of the petty bourgeois that did not have direct access to state power through the established patronage networks of the main parties. This combined with a generational shift in politics helped the JVP construct the NPP as its own ‘civil society’ front. The hunger of this young petty bourgeois to reproduce itself as a class constitutes the strength and weakness of the NPP.

On the election campaign trail, the NPP faced much scrutiny from both the rightist and leftist elements which honed on its lack of an articulate economic plan or strategy. While the NPP platform is explicit about its intention to retain and strengthen public ownership of energy, finance, healthcare and education, questions regarding policy specifics were often dodged with the promise that life would improve with the eradication of corruption. That said, the NPP’s main economic promise was to establish a ‘production-based economy’ that prioritises farmers, fishers and Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs). Furthermore, the NPP pledged to renegotiate the debt restructuring agreement with the IMF and bondholders in order to ease the tax burden on the people, to establish a development bank, and initiate an expansive science and technology policy to modernise the economy. Concretising these disparate promises into a viable developmental program continues to be the main challenged for the NPP.

One of the most remarkable features of the NPP’s political campaign was its mobilisation of women. This was conducted not in any paternalistic manner but by women party cadres themselves. Rural party meetings often featured women speaking to women, about the specific ways in which economic hardships affected women. This, combined with the party’s sympathies towards people’s economic plights and their sharp vitriol against the perceived corruption of establishment politicians, helped drive an emotive bottom-up campaign. Women in these meetings took the message home, influencing their children, who would go on to popularise the party’s platform on social media platforms, including Tik Tok. In Sri Lanka, where labour force participation for women (FLFPR) is extremely low, 29.6%, they are particularly sensitive to price swings in essential commodities. Meanwhile, the women who work do so predominantly in the public sector, or in export-oriented sectors such as plantations and export processing. This makes political conscious women extremely sensitive to economic shocks, and a powerful political resource once organised.

Struggle for the 21st Century

Sri Lanka’s dilemma is a striking example of the close link between neoliberal debt bondage and subordination to the interests of US-led militarism. In other words, the struggle for sovereignty and development requires a political, economic and even military strategy. In the past, various administrations in Sri Lanka have attempted compromise, thinking that concessions in one area would enable advances in others. The reality is that there is little possibility for negotiation with an increasingly irrational imperialism bent on maintaining US preponderance of power.

The fact is that the NPP governs under conditions favourable to the right. This is to say that the NPP inherits a state that is deeply in debt to Western finance capital, with a military that has been gradually encroached by the US through use of carrot and stick. Moreover, the networks of knowledge production and distribution in Sri Lanka remain downstream of monopoly capital. The JVP itself has only been able to climb into power by moderating rather than dialling up its past socialist and anti-imperialist rhetoric, meaning it does not necessarily have a popular mandate to carry out a revolutionary break from the status quo. Yet even the moderate mandate of the NPP, to improve social welfare and establish a production-based economy, cannot but bring them into confrontation with an imperialism which seeks to stymie the development of the productive forces.

To borrow from the US State Department’s own choice of words, Sri Lanka today stands at the ‘epicenter’ of the struggle for the 21st century. It is a struggle between peaceful development and militarised underdevelopment. Between productive investment for the benefit of the working majority, or debt bondage for the benefit of a ruling minority. While the country appears hemmed in on all sides, entangled in US imperialism both militarily and financially, it would be too simplistic and nihilistic to suggest that there are no alternatives. This struggle for sovereignty and development is today being waged across the darker nations, from the Bolivarian countries in Latin America, to the Sahel region in Africa, and by the Palestinians in West Asia. The struggle of the Sri Lankan people too, will play its role in defining the trajectory of this century.

Sugath Kulatunga

Prior to 1977 the country had an Island wide system of paddy stores for the storage of paddy purchased by the Paddy Marketing Board under the Guaranteed Price Scheme (GPS). This well run complex was disused by the UNP government in their frenzy for privatization. The stores network was given away to loyalists for other purposes or simply abandoned. The GPS too did not function allowing the private sector to dominate the purchase and milling of paddy leading to the development of an oligopoly (mafia) of paddy and rice marketing. The present government is resolved to operate the GPS effectively. For this the government has decided to restore the Paddy Stores network.

A valid criticism of the operation of the former Paddy Stores was that the store keepers managing the sores were corrupt.They had the discretion to manipulate the system to their benefit. They could delay the purchase and payments. In the determination of the moisture content they colluded with the farmers to buy low quality paddy. Another criticism was that the GPS and sale to the government stores did not give the farmer the best price. In most situations the best price is obtained by holding on to the paddy for some time. But the problem is that the farmers do not have the storage capacity to hold the produce until prices improve. Especially at the time of harvest, the prices are pushed down by buyers. The GPS and the government Paddy Stores can cater to only a limited percentage of the market and operates mainly as a check price mechanism.

In Africa, this problem has been addressed with a system that may be adapted by Sri Lanka. For example, in Kenya the system is established under the Warehouse Receipt System Act, 2019. The primary objective of the WRS Act is to promote the development of a county network of privately or publicly managed warehouses that have the capacity to issue warehouse receipts. http://kenyalaw.org:8181/exist/rest//db/kenyalex/Kenya/Legislation/English/Acts%20and%20Regulations/W/Warehouse%20Receipt%20System%20Act%20-%20No.%208%20of%202019/docs/WarehouseReceiptSystemAct8of2019.pdf

Under the WRS, warehouse receipts are issued by warehouse operators as evidence that specified commodities of stated quantity and quality have been deposited at particular locations by named depositors. The depositors are entitled to sell the produce at any time of their choice. The warehouse operator holds the stored commodity by way of safe custody. The receipts may be transferable, allowing transfer to a new holder, a lender (where the stored commodity is pledged as security for a loan) or a trade counterparty which entitles the holder to take delivery of the commodity upon presentation of the WR at the warehouse. The depositor may be a producer, farmers group, trader, exporter, processor, or any individual or corporate entity. WRS system operates in many other countries in East and Sub-Saharan Africa.

In Sri Lanka it may be possible to lease out the abandoned paddy stores to the private sector or cooperatives to operate a WRS scheme. The private sector may also be encouraged and given incentives to open more WRS stores.

It will also be useful to look at the Zimbabwe Act on the subject. It can be downloaded from https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/zim200501.pdf\

The African WRS system serves to provide for the establishment and registration of warehouses associated with the issuing of warehouse receipts and the licensing of warehouse persons; to provide for the storage of agricultural commodities in registered warehouses; to provide for the setting up of a system of inspection, grading and weighing of such agricultural commodities; to provide for a negotiable warehouse collateral receipt system.

Sugath Kulatunga

Dr Ruwan M Jayatunge M.D.

දූෂිත වෛද්‍යවරු සීමිත කණ්ඩායමක් විසින් සිදු කරන මෙම නීති විරෝධී මිනිස් අවයව ජාවාරම  දෙවනි වන්නේ මත්ද්‍රව්‍ය ජාවාරමට පමණි. වකුගඩු මාෆියාවේ රැකවරණය සහිතව ලියකියවිලි වල සඳහන් නොකර බොහෝ වකුගඩු සැත්කම් රහසින් පුද්ගලික රෝහල් වල සිදු වන බව වාර්තා වේ. මෙම මාෆියාව නිසා මේ වන විට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව නීති විරෝධී වකුගඩු බද්ධ කිරීමේ මධ්‍යස්ථානයක් බවට පත්ව ඇත.  මේ වකුගඩු ජාවාරම වසරකට රුපියල් බිලියන ගානක් උපයන අතර  නීත්‍යානුකූලව ලංකාවට ලැබිය යුතු විදේශ විනිමය ජාවාරම්කරුවන් අතට පත් වී තිබේ. මීට වසර කීපයකට පෙර සිදු වූ යාපනය රෝහලේ වකුගඩු ජාවාරම රාවය පුවත්පත මගින් හෙළි කලද වකුගඩු මාෆියාව විසින් පරීක්‍ෂණ යටපත් කරනු ලැබීය. මෑතකදී මාතර දිස්ත්‍රික් රෝහලේ වකුගඩු රෝගීන් ගේ තරුණ ඤාතීන් රවටා ඔවුන්ට මුදල් ගෙවා ඔවුන්ව  වකුගඩු දායකයන් කර ගැනීමේ වංචනික සිද්දියක් පිලිබඳව සෞඛ්‍ය අමාත්‍යාංශයේ ලේකම්වරයාට පැමිණිලි කොට තිබුනද වකුගඩු මාෆියාව විසින් එම පරීක්‍ෂණයද අඩාල කරන ලදි.  වකුගඩු ජාවාරම ජනතාවට බල පවත්නා ප්‍රශ්නයකි. වකුගඩු මාෆියාව නිසා  ඔබට හෝ ඔබගේ පවුලේ සාමාජිකයෙකුට වකුගඩු බද්ධ කරන්න සිදු උවහොත් එයට රුපියල් මිලියන 50 – 100 අතර මුදලක් ඔබට ගෙවීමට සිදු වේ.  නව රජයද තවමත් වකුගඩු ජාවාරමට එරෙහිව තවමත් යුද ප්‍රකාශ කොට නොමැත. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ වකුගඩු මාෆියාව පිලිබඳව ජනතාව දැණුවත් කිරීමේ   Zoom  සංවාදය 2025 ජනවාරි 15 දින රාත්‍රී 8 ට මහාචාර්‍ය හරේන්ද්‍ර ද සිල්වා , වෛද්‍ය චමල් සංජීව , වෛද්‍ය රුක්‍ෂාන් බෙල්ලන යන මහතුන් ගේ මූලිකත්වයෙන් පැවැත්වේ. 

Topic : Illigal Organ Trade (Kidney) in Sri Lanka

Time: Jan 15, 2025 08:00 PM Colombo

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චානක බණ්ඩාරගේ

දියුණු රටවල් ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට සුවිශේෂ වරප්‍රාසද දී ඔවුන්ව ඉමහත්  ගෞරවයෙන් බලා ගනී. උදාහරණයක් ලෙස ජපානය ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට දේවත්වයෙන් හා සමාන ලෙස සළකයි. ඕස්ත්‍රේලියාව ඔවුන්ට විවිධාකාර විශේෂ සහණ සළසයි – අඩු බස් ගාස්තු, අඩු මිලට බෙහෙත් සහ රජයේ අඩු කුලී නිවාස.

අපේ රජයන් ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට සැලකීම, ඔවුන්ට ගරු කිරීමේ අවශ්‍යතාවය ගැන සැළකිලිමත් නොවේ (මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ මහතා ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 15ක තැන්පතුවක් සඳහා 15% පොලියක් ගෙවූ බව කාරුණිකව අමතක කළ යුතු නොවේ).

අද රටේ සිඟන්නගෙන් 75% එහා ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන් විය යුතුය. ඔවුන් පාරේ ජීවත්වී පාරේම මැරී යයි. ඔවුන්ගේ දුක සැප කිසිවෙක් සොයා නොබලයි. ඔවුන්ගේ මළ සිරුරු නගර සභා මඟින් පෙට්ටියක්වත් නොමැතිව වළලා දමයි.

දිවා කාලයේ පන්සල්, පල්ලි, කෝවිල් වල එළියේ  ඇන ගසා ගෙන මොවුහු බලා සිටිනුයේ කවුරු හෝ ගෙනත් දෙන බත් පාර්සලය ගැනීමටය. ඉතා දුර්වර්ණ, වෙහෙසුණු මුහුණු ඇති මොවුන් දෙස ඉතා සුපරික්ෂාකාරී ලෙස බැලු විට පෙනී යන්නේ ඔවුන්ගෙන් සමහරෙක් යටගියදවස ඉතා විරාජමානව සිටි අය බවයි.

මේ අය ගැන රාජ්‍ය මට්ටමින් සොයා බැලීමට, පිළිසරණ ලබා දීමට කිසිවෙක් නොමැතිවීම අභාග්‍යයකකි.

මාක්ස්වාදී රජයන් වයෝවෘධයන්ට කොහෙත්ම කැමති නැත. කිසිම පලදායී භාවයක් ගෙන නොඑන, රටට බරක් ලෙසට ඒ අයව එම රජයන් සළකයි.  මා ඕ සේතුං ඔවුන්ව නොසලකා හැරියේය. පොල් පොට් කෙටි කාලයක් තුල කාම්බෝජ වැසියන් ලක්ෂ 30 ක් පමණ මරා දැමිය; එයින් වැඩි දෙනා වුයේ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියෝය.

ශ්‍රී ලංකවේ තරුණයෝ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ව ‘ඕල්ඩ් මෑන්’ ලෙස හැඳින්වීමේ ප්‍රවනතාවක් ඇත. මේවා පාසැල් මට්ටමින් ආරම්හ වේ. රටේ වයෝවෘධ නායකයන්ව ‘මයිනා’, ‘සීයා’ යන අපහාස වදනින් තරුණයෝ අමතති. වර්තමාන ජාතියේ මහා ගාන්ධර්වයා වූ අසහාය ගයාකයා තරුණ කතක් අවාහ කර ගත්තේය කියා ඔහුව නොමරා මැරූහ. ඔහු අදත් ජීවත් වන්නේ එම විවාහය කර ගත් නිසාය.

වර්තමාන තරුණයෝ සහ තරුණියෝ වයස ගිය අයට උදව් කිරීම පසෙක ලා ඔවුන් දෙස අවඥාවෙන් බලත්.  මෙය ඉතා කණගාටුවට කරුණකි.

1980ට ප්‍රථම ශ්‍රී ලංකාව මෙසේ නොවීය. ඉතා හොඳින් වැඩිහිටියන් බලා ගැනීම ගැන අප තරම් හොඳ රටක් තවත් නොවීය.

මේ තාරුණ්‍යට වයසක දෙමව්පියන්, සීයලා, ආච්චිලා නැද්ද?

ඔවුන්ද යම් දිනක වයසට යන බව ඔවුනට නොතේරේද?

ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ව (වයස අවුරුදු 60 වැඩි අය) රටකට වැදගත් වන්නේ ඇයි? 

දැන් දුබල වුවත් රට දියණු කිරීමට, වැඩ කරන කාලයේ ඉතා වෙහෙස මහන්සි වී වැඩ කල අයයි. 1950 පමණ සිට, සහ ඉන් පසුව, දිගටම වැඩ කර අදත් ජීවත් වෙන අයයි.  ඉන් පෙර වැඩ කල අය දැන් මියගොසිනි. දරුවන් බිහිකර, පවුල් සංස්ථා සාදා රටක් ලෙස අපව මේ තත්ත්වයට ගෙන ආවේ ඒ අයයි. රටේ ඒකීය භාවය ආරක්ෂා කර ගැනීම, ආගම/සංස්කෘතිය රැක ගැනීම සඳහා ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියෝ දිවි හිමියෙන් කටයුතු කල අයයි.

නැවතත් ප්‍රධාන මාර්තෘකාවට –

ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ගෙන් රජයේ විශ්‍රාම වැටුප ලැබෙන්නේ ඉතාම සිමීත දෙනෙකුට පමණි. අනිත් අය ජීවත්වෙන්නේ තමන් ඉතිරි කල මුදල් බැංකු/මුල්‍ය ආයතනවල ස්ථිර තැන්පතු ලෙස තබා ඒවායින් ලැබෙන පොලිය ලබා ගැනීමෙනි. සමහර අයව දරු මුණුබුරන් විසින් බලා ගන්නා බව සත්‍යයකි.

ස්ථිර තැන්පතුවලට අනිවාර්යය 5% රැඳවුම් බද්ද නියම කලේ පසුගිය රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ ජනාධිපති ධුරය දරු රජයයි. දැන් මේ රජය එය 10% දක්වා  එක් වරම වැඩි කර ඇත.

2022 අධි උද්ධමනය කාළයේ 21% පමණ වූ බංකු ස්ථිර තැන්පතු පොළී අනුපාතය නිසා එම 5% නව බද්දට ලොකු විරෝධයක් මතු නොවීය. අද උද්ධමනය අඩු කාලයේ (නමුත් බදු මිළ නම් වැඩිවෙමින් පවතී) බැංකු ස්ථිර තැන්පතු පොළී අනුපාත  8% – 9% පමණ දක්වා පහළ බැස තිබේ.

රජය රැඳවුම් බද්ද බද්ද 5% සිට 10% දක්වා වැඩි කලේ මෙවන් වාතාවරණයකය.

හුදු ස්ථිර තැන්පතු පොලියෙන් පමණක් දිවි ගෙවන ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට මේ නව බදු වැඩි වීම මරු පහරකි.

ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන් මේ රටට කරන ලද සේවය ඇගයීම සඳහා සහ ඔවුන්ගේ ඉතිරිවී ඇති කෙටි ජීවිත කාලය සුවෙන්, සතුටෙන් ජිවත්වීම සඳහා කටයුතු කරනවා වෙනුවට රජය ඔවුන් බලවත් අපහසුතාවයට පමුණුවයි.

මේ අය රට වෙනුවෙන් අපමණ කැපවීම් කල අයයි. ඒ අයට හිරිහැර නොකර බලා ගැනීම රජයේ වගකීමයි.

ඔවුන් ගැන කෘතගුණ සැළකීමක් රජයට නොමැතිද?

ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන් සංවිධානය වී නොමැත. ඔවුන්ගේ වෘත්තීය සමිති නැත. ඔවුන් අසරණය, අහිංසකය. ඔවුනට හඬක් නොමැත. එවන් කොටසකට රිද්දීම පහසුය.

මේ නිසා රජය ඔවුන්ට පහර ගසා, වැඩ කරන සේවකයනට – මාසික වැටුප රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 1 ½ දක්වා ලබන අයට, බදු සහන ලබා දුන්නේය

රජය ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට ගසන ලද මෙම අසාධාරණ බදු වැඩි කිරීම වහා හකුලා ගත යුතුයි.

රජය දැන් මහා පරිමාණයෙන් මෝටර් වාහන ආනයනය කිරීමට යයි. එයින් ලබන නව බදු ආදායම කෝටි ප්‍රකෝටි ගණනකි.

10% ස්ථිර තැන්පතු බද්ද යළි 5% දක්වා අඩු කර (අඩුම වශයෙන්  ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියනටවත්), එයින් නැතිවෙන ආදායම මෙම වාහන ගෙන්වීමෙන් හෝ වෙනත් මාර්ගයකින් (වැට්, ඩිජිටල්කරණය මඟින් පෞද්ගලික අංශයේ වන ආදායම් වැඩිවීම් ආදිය) සොයා ගත යුතුයි.

ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ට රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 1 ½ මාසික පොලියක් ලැබුණහොත් පමණක් මේ බද්දට යටත් වන බව රජය පවසයි.

නමුත්, මෙම ලියුම්කරු දන්නා තරමින්  ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්ගෙන් එසේ කපන බදු නැවත ඔවුන්ට ලබා දීම සඳහා නිසි ක්‍රියාවලියක් තවම සකසා නැත.

බොහෝ ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියෝ ලෙඩිනි. සමහරු ඔත්පලව ඇඳන් මතය. බොහෝ අයට ඇස් නොපෙනේ, කන් නොඇසේ, කකුල්/ඇඟ පතේ තදබල ආබාධය. එවැනි තත්වයක් මත ඔවුන් දේශීය ආදායම් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව වෙත ගොස් රජයේ යාන්ත්‍රණය ගැන කථා කල යුතු යයි යන රජයේ යෝජනාව පුස්සකි.

5% බද්ද 10% දක්වා වැඩි කලේ බදු ආදායම වැඩි කිරීමට නොව බදු දැළ වැඩි කිරීමට යයි රජය පවසයි. ඇත්තටම රජය පවසන්නේ විකාර කථාය. මේවා කොන්ඩේ බැඳපු චීනුන්ට කියනවා වඩා හොඳය.

බැංකු/මුල්‍ය සමාගම් 10% බද්ද කපා ගත් පසු පොළිය මාසිකව හෝ වාර්ෂිකව ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසිගේ බැංකු ගිණුමට බැර කරයි. එය ඉතුරුකිරීමේ ගිණුමක් නම්, එයින් ලැබෙන පොළියටත් රජය නැවතත් බදු ගසයි. එනම්, එකම මුදලට රජය දෙවරක් බදු ගැසීමක් කරයි.

බැංකුවල තැන්පත් කර ඇති තැන්පතුවලට අය කරන රැඳවුම් බද්ද ඉහළ නැංවීමත් සමග ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන් සහ අනෙක් තැන්පතු කරුවන් තම මුදල් බැංකුවලින්/මුල්‍ය ආයතන වලින් ඉවත් කරගන්නා බවට වාර්තා ලැබෙමින් පවතී. මෙය භයානක තත්ත්වයකි.  

තරුණ, වැඩ කරන වයසේ අය ස්ථිර තැන්පතු ඉවත් කර, එම මුදල් කොළඹ කොටස් වෙළඳපොලේ, වෙනත් ආයෝජන, අනාගතයේදී ආනයන කරන නව මෝටර් රථයක් මිලදී ගැනීම වැනි දේට යොමු කරනවා විය හැක.

නමුත් ජ්‍යෙෂ්ට පුරවැසියන්නට මේවා හොඳ ආයෝජන අවස්ථා නොවේ.

කළින් කීවාක් මෙන් ඔවුන් ජීවත්වෙන්නේ සිය ජීවිතයේ අවසාන කාලයේය.  ඔවුන්ට තිබෙන එකම, හොඳම මුදල් ආයෝජන ක්‍රමය නම් මාසිකව පොලී ගෙවන ස්ථිර නැත්පතුයි.

බැංකුවල/මුල්‍ය ආයතනවල ස්ථාවර තැන්පතු පිටතට ඇදීයාම හේතුවෙන් ඒවායේ ද්‍රව්‍යශීලීතාවය (liquidity) සම්බන්ධයෙන් ප්‍රබල අර්බුද  නිර්මාණය වේ.  

මේ බදු සම්බාධක නිසා  මිනිසුන් බැංකු/මුල්‍ය ආයතන වල මුදල් තැන්පත් නොකර හැරිය හැක.

බැංකු/මුල්‍ය ආයතන පවත්නේ ජනයා/සමාගම් ඒවායේ මුදල්  ආයෝජනය කලහොත් පමණි.

ජනයා/සමාගම් විශාල වශයෙන් බැංකු/මුල්‍ය ආයතන වල තැන්පත් කර ඇති මුදල් ආපසු ගතහොත් හෝ ඒවායේ නව ස්ථිර තැන්පතු, ඉතිරි කිරීමේ ගිණුම් නොඇරඹුවොත් එය බැංකු/මුල්‍ය සමාගම් පද්ධතියට දැඩි බලපෑමක් ඇති කරනු ඇත.

බැංකුවල/මුල්‍ය ආයතන කඩා නොවැටීම පිළිබඳව රනිල්/මහ බැංකුව ඉතා සැළකිය යුතු උනන්දුවෙන් මනා කාර්ය භාරයක් ඉටු කළේය.

මෙම රජය පරාටේ වෙන්දේසිද තව දුරටත් ඇණ හිටවා ඇත.

මේ රජය ‘බීමත් නාවිකයෙක්’ මෙන් රටේ ආර්ථිකය හසුරවයි?

එසේ නොවේවා යයි අපි පතමු.

කෙසේ වෙතත්, රජයේ අමන තීරණ නිසා බැංකු/මුල්‍ය ආයතන දුර්වල වුවහොත්/කඩා වැටුනහොත් එහි සම්පුර්ණ වගකීම රජය භාර ගත යුතුය.

වරද නිවැරදි කිරීමට තවම කාලය තිබේ.

ප්‍ර සමරසිංහ

ඒ කාලේ, මහ වැස්සක්‌ තුරල් ව ගිය විට මහගෙදර පිටුපස මිදුලේ තැනින් තැන දිය රැඳී, ගලාගිය නොගිය තැන් කිහිපයක් විය. මේ වතුර කෝටුවකින් පාදා වුවමනා නං තවත් හාරා එකිනෙකට යා කර ඇළ වේලි බැඳ වතුර පහතට ගලා යන්නට සැලැස්සුවා මතකය. වැසි වතුර ප්‍රමාණය සතුටුදායක මට්ටමක ඉතිරිව තිබුනේ නම් හා ඒ ගමන් මග ඒකාකාරී නොවූ මිදුලේ පහතට ගලන්නේ නම් ඒ තැන් සොයා එහි අමු කොස් කොල කීපයක් රඳවා හෝ කෙසෙල් කඳක පතුරක් රඳවා දිය ඇලි දෙක තුනක් එකවර හදන්නටද අමතක කලේ නැත. 

ඇළක් නම් එය ගලන්නට වුවමනාය. එහි තිබිය යුත්තේ වතුර, ගල් කැබලි, වැලි, කුඩා පැලෑටි හා මඩය. කුඩමසුන්, කකුළුවන් හා ඉස්ගෙඩියන්ට පිහිනන්නට එහි ඉඩ තිබිය යුතුය. ගස් කොළන් මල් වැල්, ඇළ අද්දර ප්‍රිය කරන්නේය. එවන් ඇළ මාර්ගයකින් කිසිම දුර්ගන්ධයක් පිට වන්නේද නැත. රෝහලක් අද්දර එවන් ඇළක් තිබීම ප්‍රියජනකය. ඒ වුණත්, විශේෂයෙන් රෝහලක ඉවරයක් නැති කුණු කසළ මෙන්ම ඒවායින් බැහැර කරන අපවිත්‍ර ජලයද ඇළකට ගඟකට හැරවීම දඬුවම් ලැබිය යුතු බරපතල වැරැද්දක් වන්නේය. 

මහ ඉස්පිරිතාලය අසල ඇති නොරිස් ඇළ නොගලා ඉන්නට තීරණය කර බොහෝ කල්ය. ඒ වෙනත් හේතුවක් නිසා නොව හිතුමතේ ඇළ පුරවා දැමු අපමනක් වූ කැළිකසල නිසාය. එහි කුඩමසුන් හා කකුළුවන් වෙනුවට නා නා වර්ගයේ මීයන් හිතු හිතු ආකාරයට කරනම් ගසති. නා නා මදුරුවන්, ඩෙංගු මැලේරියා චිකන්ගුන්යා ගී ගයති. නිල මැස්සන්ගේ පාරාදීසයකි. කැරපොත්තෝද රැයක් දවාලක් නැතුවා සේ බයක් සැකක් නැතුව සරති. 

ඒ අවට ජීවත් වන හුදී ජනයාට මෙන්ම රෝගීන්ටද දෙය්යන්ගේම පිහිටය. මහා ඉස්පිරිතාලය ඇතුළු තවත් ඒ අසල ඇති ප්‍රධාන පෙලේ ඉස්පිරිතාලද නොරිස් ඇළේ වගක් නැතුව රෝගීන්ට බෙහෙත් හේත් කරන්නෝය. හුදී ජන ලෙඩ රෝග වලට බෙහෙත් පෙති නියම කරන්නට මත්තෙන් මේ ඇළ මාර්ගයට නැවත නිදහසේ ගලන්නට ඉඩ සලස්වා, නගර වීථි සෝදා ගෙන වැටෙන වැස්සට ගලා බහින්නට නැවත මේ ඇළට පන දිය යුතුය. එවිට කොළඹ උතුරා ගලන රෝගී ජන පෝලිම් අඩු වෙනවාට කිසි සැකයක් නැත. 

අමුතු ජනාධිපතිතුමා දියත් කල පවිත්‍ර සිරිලංකාව අඳුන්වා දුන් උත්සවයට රුපියල් ලක්ෂ 70 ක් පමණ වැය කල බව සැළය. ඉන් අනතුරුව සති දෙක තුනක් බලා සිටියත් තාමත් ක්‍රමානුකුලව පවිත්‍ර වුනු පාරක් තොටක්, ඇළක් දොළක්, තාප්පයක්, කඩක් පිලක් තියා අඩුතරමේ පෝස්ටර 10ක් 15ක් නොඇලවුනු එක විදුලි කණුවක් දකින්නට නැත. කටිං බතල කොළ සිටුවා පලක් නැත.  

මේ දිනවල නිතරම පාහේ ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ පවිත්‍ර සිරිලංකාව, උදේ හවා නැතුවාක් සේ මහිතේ හක්කලං කරන්නේය. අද දුරුතු පෝදා පිං සිතින් නිදිකිරා වැටෙද්දීත් පවිත්‍ර සිරිලංකාව දිස් වෙන්නේය, හීනෙන් දකින තරමක් දකින්නෙත් මෙවන් පවිත්‍ර සිරිලංකාවක ගමන්මගය:

පාර්ලිමේන්තුවේ අමුතු සුවඇමතිතුමා ඇතුළු, පක්ෂ විපක්ෂ බේධ පැත්තකට කර දැමූ 224දෙනා සමග අමුතු කැකිරිකුමාරි ප්‍රමුඛ කාර්ය මණ්ඩලය සමඟින් කලිසංකොට ගසා, කැප් තොප්පි පැළඳ, මුකවාඩම් ලා උදළු පොරෝ වීල්බැරෝ ගෙන නොරිස් ඇළ පවිත්‍ර කරන්නට යන්නට තීරණය කල බවක් ඇසුනේය. කිසිම කැමරාකාරයෙකුට, පුවත්පත් කලාවේදියකුට ඒ අසබඩ යාමටද තහනම් නියෝග කල් තියා පනවා දමා තිබීම අගය කල යුතුය. මේ මුළු ඇළ මාර්ගය සම්පුර්ණයෙන් සුද්ධ කරන්නට අමුතු සුවඇමතිතුමා ඇතුළු ඒ පාර්ලිමේන්තු 500යක් පමණ නඩයට ගත වුයේ සතියක් තරම් කෙටි කාලයක්ය. උදෑසන 8ට පටන් ගත් මේ පවිත්‍ර කිරීම් හවස 6 දක්වා එක එල්ලේ ප්‍රසංශනීව සිදු කල අන්දම විස්තර කරන්නට හෝඩියේ අකුරු ප්‍රමාණවත් නැත.

අල්ලපු ඉඩමේ ලොක්කයිය තේ කඩ කරන කාලේදීවත් නොකළ විදියට ඉදලක් අරන් පාර අතු ගෑවේ කැමරාකාරයා ආ පසුව වුණත්, අපේ ජනාධිපතිතුමා කැමරාකාරයෙක්ට හතර මායිමට කිට්ටු වන්නටවත් ඉඩ දුන්නේ නැත. ඒ වුනත් ඉස්මාට් ෆෝන් බුරුතු පිටින් ඇති අපේ රටේ පිංතුර සංසරණය අමුතු එකක්ය. උනන්දුවෙන් පාර අතුගාන ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ පිංතුර දුටු සැණින් ජීවිතේ කවදාවත් කොස්සක් ඉදලක් අතින් නෑල්ලු කොළඹ හතේ නෝනාමහත්වරුද, නුවර පළාතේ මැණිකෙලා නිලමේලාද ලහිලහියේ සිරිලංකාව පවිත්‍ර කරන්නට එලියට බැස්සෝය. පරගල කාලේ බෙදුනේ බුරියානි හා කොකාකෝලාය, සහයෝගයට බුං හාමිනේ හා කළු කබා හංගා තබා ප්‍රසිද්ධ නීතිඥයෝ ආවෝය. මෙදා පොටේ ඒවා නැතිය. ප්ලේන් ටී එකක් සහ කැකිරි බණ්ඩක්කා නාඩු බත් කෑම පාර්සල් එක බැගින් ලැබුනේය. 

අණ නියෝග නොපනවමින්, කප්පරක් කයිවාරු නොගසමින්, එහෙත් දක්ෂ ලෙස වැඩක් සාර්ථකව කර පෙන්වීමේ මේ මහා ආදර්ශය දියවන්නාවෙන් පටන් ගැනීමම ඉතිහාසගත විය යුතු කාරණයක්ය. “අපේ කැකිරි බණ්ඩක්කා නාඩු බත් වේල දිනේවා” කියා පතනා අයුරින් හැඩ වැඩ වූ නොරිස් ඇළ ලතාවකට ගලන්නට පටන් ගත්තාය. රෝහල් කුණුකසල දරා ගෙන, මියන්, මැස්සන්, මදුරුවන්ගේ කන්දොස්කිරියාවෙන් පහුගිය අවුරුදු 60 -70ක් අපමණ දුක් වින්ද ඇළ දුර්ගන්ධය ඉවත ලා බේරේ වැව දෙස බලා සංතෝසෙන් ඇදෙන්නට පටන් ගත්තාය. 

By Palitha Ariyarathna

Synopsis:

The Clean Sri Lanka project is urged to advocate for stronger legal measures against unethical religious conversion practices. It is crucial for local Buddhist temples, government authorities, and the public to unite in preserving Sri Lanka’s Buddhist identity and cultural cohesion. Strengthening legal frameworks and raising awareness will help safeguard the nation’s religious and cultural heritage, ensuring peaceful coexistence for future generations.

The Supreme Court ruled that the Sri Lankan Constitution does not guarantee a fundamental right to propagate religion

January 13, 2025 – The growing trend of illegal and unethical religious conversions in Sri Lanka has raised alarming concerns among the Buddhist community and beyond. Areas such as the street toward the Sri Dalada Maligawa (Temple of the Sacred Tooth)and other culturally and religiously significant locations have become hotspots for missionaries and religious groups engaging in illegal activities aimed at converting Buddhists and other local populations. One of the troubling developments includes the distribution of missionary books, particularly in Dalada Street, Kandy, located just about two hundred meters from the entrance to Sri Dalada Maligawa. If such activities can occur without fear in this cultural hotspot, one can only imagine what might be happening in other locations, especially in rural villages and popular urban centers. In light of these developments, I urge Clean Sri Lanka to consider adopting stronger legal actions to safeguard the nation’s Buddhist identity and cultural heritage.

Recent observations and reports have shed light on the disturbing issue of local missionaries and religious groups attempting to spread non-Buddhist ideologies under the guise of charitable work. These activities serve as a reminder of the potential risks posed by these efforts to the religious and cultural fabric of Sri Lanka, particularly as they occur in violation of existing laws that regulate religious propagation in the country.

Religious groups, particularly local missionary groups, have increasingly engaged in deceptive religious conversions, targeting vulnerable communities in both villages and cities. These missionaries often offer monetary gain in exchange for people’s visits to their centers, effectively using financial incentives as a form of bribery. By luring individuals with material promises, these groups disrupt local communities, threatening the peaceful coexistence that has long been the hallmark of Sri Lankan society.

The Constitution of Sri Lanka, under Articles 10 and 14(1)(e), guarantees freedom of religion but prohibits any religious activity that involves coercion, manipulation, or undermines the religious and cultural integrity of the country. The practice of religious conversion through financial promises or coercion is not only unethical but also illegal under Sri Lankan law.

While some of these groups disguise their true intentions under the pretext of providing humanitarian aid or social services, their ultimate aim is often proselytism and religious conversion. This method of offering money to visit their centers acts as a bribe and undermines the social fabric of villages and cities, particularly in areas with strong Buddhist traditions. These activities, if left unchecked, could create division in communities and erode the unity that has existed for generations.

Religious propaganda that manipulates vulnerable populations through coercion, bribery, or unethical means is illegal under Sri Lankan law. The practice of religious conversion through deception or material gain undermines the religious freedom of others and disrupts the peaceful coexistence that Sri Lanka has long enjoyed.

These activities present a direct threat to the identity and continuity of Sri Lanka’s Buddhist culture, which has been nurtured for centuries. The violation of both ethical norms and national laws by certain local missionaries underscores the urgent need for stronger regulatory mechanisms to prevent these activities from gaining further ground in the country.

Image: courtesy by The All Ceylon Buddhist Congress:The first copy of the Commission Sabha Report forwarded to Rev. Udugama Sri Buddharakkita mahanayaka Thero.The unethical Commission Sabha was appointed on the day of poson in the year 2006 at the premises of most historic Mihintale. Around 348 monastic and laities have given their evidence before the commission for whole 4 year period during appointed its visit to various places throughout the Srilanka.

The All Buddhist Congress has previously raised concerns about the illegal ramifications of religious conversion efforts that employ unethical methods. These efforts highlight the potential risks they pose to the country’s Buddhist identity. The continued activism and discourse surrounding this issue further emphasize the importance of addressing the ongoing concerns regarding local missionary influence.

One of the most critical legal frameworks for addressing this issue is the S.C. Special Determination No. 19/2003, a landmark ruling by the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka. This ruling significantly impacts the understanding of religious propagation and the constitutional framework surrounding religious rights in the country.

The Supreme Court ruled that the Sri Lankan Constitution does not guarantee a fundamental right to propagate religion. This is a crucial distinction from other constitutions, such as India’s, which provide the right to propagate religion. In Sri Lanka, the Constitution guarantees individuals the right to practice, observe, and manifest their religion, but it does not extend this right to the active propagation or conversion of others to a different faith.

The Court emphasized the importance of freedom of conscience, which includes the right to follow one’s own belief system without coercion. The act of converting others could potentially infringe on an individual’s freedom of conscience by involving manipulation or coercion.

The Court noted that Sri Lanka’s Constitution recognizes Buddhism as the foremost religion, and the state has a duty to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana (Buddhist heritage). Any attempt to propagate another religion, particularly through coercive means or material benefits, could disrupt the Buddhist identity of the nation and violate the special protections afforded to Buddhism under Article 9 of the Constitution.

The ruling made clear that conversion practices that rely on deceit, coercion, or material incentives would not be protected under the Constitution. These practices threaten the social fabric and harm the national identity of Sri Lanka, especially given Buddhism’s central role in the country’s history and culture.

Article 9 of the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka states that Buddhism is the foremost religion in the country and that the state is responsible for its protection and promotion. The article also guarantees that all religions are entitled to the rights granted in Articles 10 and 14(1)(e). This special protection of Buddhism reinforces the need for vigilance in maintaining the country’s Buddhist identity and the integrity of its cultural and religious values.

The Clean Sri Lanka project, with its mission to address both environmental sustainability and ethical standards across the country, has a significant opportunity to expand its focus on moral integrity. The project aims to ensure a cleaner physical environment and a nationwide moral commitment that promotes ethical principles. In light of the rising concerns surrounding religious conversion, Clean Sri Lanka can play an active role in safeguarding Sri Lanka’s Buddhist identity and cultural heritage by advocating for stronger legal protections and public awareness about the constitutional rights and the protection of Buddhism.

It is critical for Clean Sri Lanka to incorporate the principles of Environmental, Social, and Governance (EESG) into its strategic goals. This framework addresses not only physical cleanliness but also promotes the ethical responsibility of protecting the nation’s cultural and religious heritage.

There is an urgent need for Clean Sri Lanka to advocate for legal reforms that prohibit religious propagation that disrupts Sri Lanka’s social and cultural fabric. By integrating constitutional rights and reinforcing the importance of Buddhism as the nation’s primary religion, Clean Sri Lanka can help mitigate the negative impacts of illegal religious conversions.

It is important for all Sri Lankans to unite in their efforts to protect the country’s religious and cultural heritage. The growing influence of local missionary groups, particularly those engaging in unethical conversion practices, poses a threat not only to Buddhism but also to the cultural cohesion of Sri Lanka. Local Buddhist temples and religious leaders must take proactive measures to raise awareness about the ongoing missionary activities and the potential dangers they pose.

By collaborating with Clean Sri Lanka and other organizations, these temples can ensure that the public is informed and equipped to resist attempts at illegal religious conversion. Political leaders and government authorities must also demonstrate a firm commitment to protecting Sri Lanka’s Buddhist identity. As part of a national strategy to safeguard the nation’s cultural heritage, lawmakers should work together to tighten the laws regulating missionary activity and ensure that those who violate these laws face appropriate legal consequences.

The rising concerns over illegal religious conversions and the potential threat posed by local missionaries in Sri Lanka call for immediate and decisive action. Clean Sri Lanka has a unique opportunity to lead the charge in advocating for stronger legal protections and oversight to prevent religious manipulation and ensure that Sri Lanka’s Buddhist identity is preserved.

By adopting stronger legal frameworks, educating the public, and working collaboratively with local religious institutions, Clean Sri Lanka can play a central role in curbing the spread of illegal religious activities. This will not only protect Buddhism but also contribute to maintaining the peaceful coexistence of all Sri Lankans, regardless of their religious backgrounds.

As Sri Lanka continues to navigate these complex challenges, it is essential that the nation’s laws are enforced rigorously and that its cultural and religious integrity is safeguarded for generations to come. The time to act is now—Clean Sri Lanka must step forward and advocate for change.

By Palitha Ariyarathna

On the Duruthu Poya Day

References

1. The Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka – Article 9, Article 10, and Article 14(1)(e)
   [Source: Official Constitution of Sri Lanka, available online at: http://www.parliament.lk/en/constitution]
2. S.C. Special Determination No. 19/2003 – Sri Lanka Supreme Court ruling on religious propagation
   [Source: Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, available online at: http://www.supremecourt.lk]
3. Clean Sri Lanka Project – Vision and Mission Statement
   [Source: Official Clean Sri Lanka website: https://cleansrilanka.gov.lk/]
4. Buddhist Congress Position on Religious Conversions
   [Source: Buddhist Congress Reports and Statements on Ethical Conversion Practices, available at local Buddhist institutions]

• International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) – Freedom of religion and conscience
  [Source: United Nations, available online at: https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx]

Courtesy 1News

One of the most notable New Zealand self-help books of last year was by Auckland-based psychiatrist and sleep specialist Dr Tony Fernando. ‘Life Hacks from the Buddha: How to be calm and content in a chaotic world’ does what it promises, presenting ancient Buddhist wisdom in bite-sized hacks, easily applicable to modern life. The following extract focuses on mindfulness and meditation – practices Fernando has taught to inmates at Mt Eden Correctional Facility.

When in a mindful mode, we can see our irrational thought patterns, emotional reactions, uncontrolled cravings and our desire for things to be different as random, ever changing and impermanent. We see them as reactive brain impulses. We have a choice to just let them pass or invest unnecessary energy in a never-ending rabbit hole of exhausting mental processes.

Mindfulness is one of the best ways to unhook ourselves from the click-baiting mind.

Mindfulness is a superpower because we see everything in our mind arise and pass away. Our thoughts are empty, like soap bubbles that come and go. Yet we still tend to engage with our crazy thoughts and emotions.

The mind sometimes behaves like a deceptive online seller. It employs exaggerated headlines or flashy advertisements that lure customers to its online stores and play on the customer’s fantasies or anxieties, which are often useless or lacking in substance. The mind wants us to click on its various attention-grabbing links. With mindfulness, you are aware that the eye-catching advertisements are there. They look enticing but you know that once you click, you are hooked. Or worse, scammed!

If I am being mindful at this very moment, I observe that I am staring at the laptop screen, noticing my fingers tapping away with a muted clickety clacking of the keys; the amorphous background café music melding with soft conversations of customers; I am smelling the soft scent of some air deodoriser; feeling the pressure of the rolled-up towel on my butt to prop me up on the chair. I am noticing the sleeves of my jacket brushing up on my wrist. A WhatsApp notification pinging. My mind is calm.

If I am not mindful, my mind will wander. That man eating his muesli is slurping … how uncivilised. I cannot believe he was allowed to enter this posh café. Instead of writing, I should be hitting the pool and burning calories because my GP said my blood sugar is a bit high and is prediabetic. Yes, prediabetic! If I don’t lose weight and improve my laboratory numbers, in a few years I will be taking insulin, going blind, losing the feeling in my feet, which will cause nasty infections. Maybe they’ll have to be amputated… That will ruin my swimming. Life is hard. Bloody hell, another message from the clinic! What is it this time?

Mindfulness and meditation

To many people in the west, mindfulness has become synonymous with the word meditation. Meditation is a general term that involves mental practices that result in various mind states including enhanced attention, increased insight, relaxation, stress relief and even sleep.

There are plenty of other types of meditation practice, both Buddhist and non-Buddhist, but here I will focus on mindfulness meditation. This is a specific form of meditation developed by the Buddha, and it is the best way to become mindful.

Six-piece musical band

Mindfulness is noticing the moment-by-moment experience of the mind and the body. That sounds complicated, doesn’t it? What does moment-by-moment experience of the mind and body really mean? For me, this part of the mindfulness definition is best felt rather than explained. You might have gathered already that Buddhism emphasises a lot of experiential learning rather than intellectual or philosophical knowledge.

We can subdivide our moment-by-moment experience by what our various sense organs are registering. In Buddhist psychology, we have six senses, which include the traditional five senses of sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch. The sixth sense is the mind, which involves our thoughts, feelings and emotions.

A simple way of conceptualising our conscious moment-by moment experience of the six sense organs is to imagine our awareness as a stage with six musical performers. This metaphor is derived from American Buddhist teacher Joseph Goldstein’s concept of a 6-piece chamber orchestra. On the stage of our awareness are six performers: a vocalist who represents thoughts and emotions; a drummer who symbolises the sensations in the body; a lead guitarist who represents sight; a bass guitarist who represents hearing; a violinist who represents taste and a flautist who represents smell.

If this line-up isn’t to your musical taste, you can assign the different sense organs to whatever musical performer you prefer. At any one point, these six players are on our stage of awareness. For most of us, the vocalist, who represents thinking and emotions, tends to be the loudest. For the anxious and overthinking people like me, it takes control of the stage, with the rest of the players in the background.

If I have a stomach-ache, the drummer, who represents the body, becomes loudest, with the vocalist singing various scary tunes like, ‘It might be cancer!’ If I am focused on my food, the violinist (taste), lead guitar (sight) and flautist (smell) take centre stage. If I’m judging the food negatively and getting annoyed by the whole experience, the vocalist takes centre stage again: ‘This is not nice, why are they feeding you this?’

When I am quietly mindfully meditating, fully absorbed by the breath, the drummer (body sensations) takes centre stage in a calm way, while the rest of the musicians are quiet. When my cell phone rings, the bass guitar (hearing) is triggered followed by the vocalist (thoughts): ‘Who is ringing me now? I am supposed to be meditating!’

When we are mindful, we are aware and watching what is going on in our moment-by-moment experience. We are alert and not sleepy. We notice the different things going on with the musicians. We are kind to them even if they are unruly and out of control at times. Sometimes, when mindfulness is strong, we see the gaps between the music. We notice space. We eventually see the stage where all the happenings occur. This suggests that our ability to be aware is getting stronger.

Let’s practise

Try the following short exercise to focus on your moment-by-moment mind and body experience.

Notice what is going on with the various musicians in your awareness.

Avoid adding stories or commentaries. Just focus on what you notice.

Pay full attention to what you are seeing.

Avoid making comments on what you see. Just see for a few seconds. Just see.

Pay attention to what are you hearing. Just hear for a few seconds. Just hear.

If it is quiet, just notice the quiet. Pay attention to your sense of smell. Just smell for a few seconds. Just smell. If there is no smell, notice there is no smell.

Pay attention to your sense of taste. Just taste for a few seconds. Just taste. If you cannot taste anything, note the absence of taste.

Pay attention to your body. Notice body sensations, the expansion and relaxation of your chest and abdomen while breathing, your clothes caressing your body, your buttocks pressing on the chair, your feet on the ground. Just feel.

Pay attention to your mind. What are you thinking about? What are your emotions like? Are you calm? Are you annoyed? Are you excited to be learning something new? Notice for a few seconds.

Congratulations! You just engaged in a mindfulness meditation practice.

If you didn’t complete the exercise, notice what are you feeling now. Be aware of your thoughts about why you skipped the instructions. Did you feel bored? If you noticed boredom or sleepiness, that’s being mindful as well. If you noticed that your mind was elsewhere, the fact that you became aware that you were thinking about something else is being mindful too.

Mindfulness is knowing the various characters in your mind.

Expanding the practice

Noticing our experience is an important aspect of mindfulness but it is not enough on its own. Remember the definition of mindfulness is as a state of mind that is:

• aware and alert

• noticing and accepting of moment-by-moment experiences

• leading to kindness and compassion.

Aware and alert

Our quality of noticing is important. We need to be aware and alert. Are we watching with alertness and relaxed vigilance? Or are we watching with dullness, not fully attentive to the experience? The other extreme is to watch with tension and hypervigilance. Like a stringed instrument, mindfulness has to be tuned just right. If the strings are too lax, the instrument will not sing. If the strings are too tight, they will snap.

Kind acceptance

The next component of a mindful practice involves our attitude to our experience. A mindful attitude is peaceful and kindly accepting of the experience. Since whatever is going on at this specific moment is a culmination of multiple causes and conditions, many of which we do not have control over, we cannot do much to change the current situation at this very second. Instead, we have to accept it.

Acceptance, however, does not mean resignation that we cannot do anything about the future. An important aspect of mindfulness is knowing that what we do now, in speech or action, will influence the future. Accepting with kindness is vital in practising mindfulness because when we are kind to the situation, there is an attitude of peace and relaxation to whatever is happening.

I was once flying to London from New Zealand via Los Angeles. The airport in Los Angeles is notorious for having long queues and airport staff who have a penchant for screaming at airline passengers. I had a three-hour layover there, which is tight at the best of times. Our plane arrived an hour late, which meant that my layover was down to two hours.

I was at the back of the plane, so it took a while for me to disembark. As I waited, a sense of dread overcame me, a pit in my stomach, cold clammy hands, throbbing headache, and tightened breathing. My mind went on an overdrive. If I missed my connection, I’d have to deal with long queues at the transfer desk, then I’d have to tell the conference organisers in London that I might not make it to my talk. I worried that this might tarnish my professional reputation and people would think I was unreliable.

Then I had a mindful moment, I noticed that I was close to panic. I consciously watched my breathing, noticed my body tension, noticed the anxious mind. It was pointless getting mad at the airlines or the airport.

The plane being late was a result of multiple variables including a slight delay departing Auckland because of a sick passenger, strong headwinds and the busy air traffic in LA’s airspace. I had a choice to be angry and tense, or to kindly accept that this was the current situation from which I could not escape. I chose the latter and I noticed my chest relax, my back loosen and my breathing ease. I calmly made a contingency plan, which included calling my travel agent to get help organising an alternate connecting flight if I needed it. I called the conference organisers to let them know I might be delayed. I asked airport staff if I could get ahead of the immigration queue in order to make my flight. Surprisingly, I was calm throughout the process. Eventually, I made my flight to London on time, so all that worrying and papañca was not worth it!

Leading to kindness and compassion

The last component of the mindfulness definition is often neglected in western interpretations. In many western and modern definitions, mindfulness is limited to awareness and concentration training without any reference to ethical behaviour.

As such, a sniper could develop high levels of awareness, alertness and focus, which makes him ‘mindful’ and an efficient killing machine. This is totally against the Buddhist definition of mindfulness where ‘with mindfulness as his gatekeeper, the noble disciple abandons the unwholesome and develops the wholesome…’

According to Ajahn Amaro, if so-called mindfulness practice does not involve ethical sensitivity, it cannot be said to be genuine mindfulness.

An important aspect of daily mindfulness practice is cultivating wholesome, kind, generous, compassionate thoughts and actions, while abandoning harmful, hateful and greedy tendencies.

Extracted with permission from Life Hacks from the Buddha: How to be calm and content in a chaotic world, by Dr Tony Fernando (HarperCollins). Available now.

by A. Abdul Aziz.

The Annual Convention (Jalsa Salana) of Sri Lanka Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at to be held today Tuesday the 14 January 2025 at Baitul Basit Mosque Sri Lanka in Pasyala, Pre-dawn (Thahajjud prayer in congregation at 4.16 am local time is also beginning of the event. Prior to the main program, flag hoisting to be done followed by silent prayer.

The main event will start at 9.30 a.m. with the recitation of Holy Qur’an followed by its translations.

The objective of this Convention (Jalsa Salana) is to present pure, pristine and peaceful teachings of Islam. Likewise to call people towards their creator, to develop love, affection and compassion among the creations of God, and promote brotherhood, are also its objectives.
 

Speakers will address on various topic quoting from Holy Qurán, Sayings of Prophet of Islam (PBUH), writings of Promised Messiah, peace be on him and also from the advice of His Holiness Ahmadiyya Khalifa Hazrat Mirza Masroor Ahmad (may Allah be his Helper).

These addresses will include on the tenets of Islam and its power to promote peace and harmony in the world.

INAUGURATION OF BAITUL KHABEER MOSQUE IN PUTTALAM.

It is worthy to mention here, by the Grace of God, Sri Lanka Ahmadiyya Community on last Friday inaugurated a beautiful Mosque in Puttalam. It was named by Ahmadiyya Khalifa as Baitul Khabeer. The completed Mosque has two story building with Dome and a Minara.. This Mosque has the spacious of worshipping 200 people.

Ahmadiyya Jama’at is a Community of Islam which is widely perceived to be different from the mainstream Muslism of the religion as they believe that the advent of a Messiah, as promised by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), has already happened. They believe, unlike the mainstream believers of Islam, that the Messiah was incarnated in 1835 in the form of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.

Under Divine Command, in 1889, Ahmad proclaimed himself under the Divine Command, awaited Messiah, and was widely subscribed to be so by Muslims from around the world. The followers of Ahmad thus came to be called ‘Ahmadis’ or ‘Ahmadiyyas’.

We are completely same as the other mainstream followers of Islam but for our belief in the advent of a Messiah, which they believe is yet to take place.
Qadian is the birth-place of Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad – Founder of Ahmadiyya Muslim Community

 By Capt. Vasabha Courtesy The Morning

• AKD to engage in China tour from 14-17 Jan.; several MOUs on media, tourism, exports to be signed
• US, India, others on close watch on AKD’s Chinese visit; concerns over approval for ‘One China’ policy
• India converts nearly $ 100 m worth loans to SL to grants; total grant assistance at $ 780 m
• Chamara vows to quit over Rs. 7 m spent on Clean Sri Lanka programme launch claim; Govt. denies
• Revelation on role played by RW in splitting votes from the SJB, ensuring AKD and JVP/NPP victories
• Ravi asks Govt. plan to raise Rs. 5,000 b this year; Anil says Govt. has a plan, but tough with set targets
• Opposition takes Govt. to task on rice shortages, prices; Govt. blames RW’s pre-polls rice distribution
• Namal asks if fertiliser subsidy is to be paid after Maha harvest; PM says payments in two instalments
• Contradictions and confusion in key sectors like energy, lands; latest decisions put projects in limbo
• Vijitha says complaints received from S. Korea, Australia of minister who sought monies; won’t name
• MR and SLFP discuss JVP/NPP Govt. in Kataragama; Mahinda asks Chamara to give tuition to new MPs
• MR wishes a trouble-free year for the people in Kataragama; Namal missing, in hospital with a son
• Sajith loyalists push for changes in SJB; Imthiaz sidelined after saying no to Sajith loyalist, say seniors
• SJB Working Committee holds decisive meeting; Sajith displeased with leaking Imthiaz letter to media
• Imthiaz denies involvement in leak, says letter sent only to a handful of office bearers, including Leader
• Sajith adopts several of Imthiaz’s proposals; four-member committee to look into changes to the party
• Management Committee to meet every Wednesday; Working Committee to meet every third Thursday
• Talks recommence on SJB-UNP alliance; SJB seeks alliance leadership or other leadership role for Sajith
• Thalatha assumes duties as UNP’s first female Gen. Sec. and is to serve as bridge between SJB and UNP
• SLFP puts on show of unity at S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike memorial; Chandrika, Maithri, Nimal, et al sit together

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government have their work cut out for them in every sphere – economic, political, and social – this year. 

In fact, how AKD steers his JVP/NPP Government and the country as a whole this year will determine the future of not only the President and his party but that of an entire nation as well. While being engaged in the ongoing economic recovery programme, Sri Lanka has to manage geopolitics and political developments as well as ensure social welfare and justice. 

The Clean Sri Lanka programme, which is the main programme of AKD and his Government, is now on a bumpy road, with attempts being made for the programme to stay the course.

While the Clean Sri Lanka programme is gathering steam in some aspects, the Government will have to ensure that the programme progresses without meeting the fate that befell the voluntary clean-up programme that was launched by youth groups in 2019 after then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) assumed office. 

Soon after GR assumed office, youth groups engaged in various programmes islandwide to clean public places and to paint walls in such places as well. They claimed at the time that the voluntary programme was aimed at cleaning and beautifying the country and instilling discipline among the public.

The JVP/NPP Government will also have to work in a manner that will not draw criticism from the public and to get them involved as stakeholders of the programme. The ideal scenario would have been for the Government to engage in awareness campaigns to educate the public about the Clean Sri Lanka programme, its intended work, and outcomes, before launching it on 1 January without specific details and directions and expecting the public to get on board with it.

The revelation made by outspoken Opposition Member of Parliament (MP) Chamara Sampath Dasanayake that a sum of around Rs. 7 million had been spent to launch the Clean Sri Lanka programme on 1 January without following proper procurement procedures, making it difficult for officials to make the relevant payments, also left the public wondering about the allegations while Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake requested details from Dasanayake to respond. 

Dasanayake claimed that he would table the details that include Rs. 200,000 allegedly allocated to a singer, Rs. 15,000 to models who had served as ushers at the event, Rs. 700,000 for the theme song, and Rs. 2.1 million to create the website.

The due procurement process has not been followed with regard to spending this Rs. 7 million. The Presidential Secretariat accountant has refused to issue the relevant cheque. You (the Government) will have to pay this sum from the fund in Pelawatte (a reference to the NPP fund). If the Government can prove that I am wrong, I will step down as an MP. This project failed at the inception itself.”

However, the following day (10), Chief Government Whip, Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa denied Dasanayake’s allegations, saying that only Rs. 900,000 had been approved for the Clean Sri Lanka launch and that not a cent would be paid extra. He added that Dasanayake’s allegation of Rs. 7 million was wrong.

Dr. Jayatissa pointed out that Dasanayake seemed to have gotten the quotations that were received for the event with the actual expenses. The Minister added that the quotations had not been approved and only a sum of Rs. 900,000 had been approved for the programme.

It will now be interesting to see Dasanayake’s response since he threatened to quit the House if his allegations were proved to be false. 

Be that as it may, the outspoken Dasanayake also went on to reveal in Parliament the actions of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe that eventually resulted in the JVP/NPP victory at the last elections. The MP claimed that the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and its Leader Sajith Premadasa would have won the election had Wickremesinghe not taken steps to break away 2.2 million votes from the SJB vote bank.

You always scold Ranil (Wickremesinghe) and us. There’s no point in it. If we had not broken 22 (2.2 million), Sajith (Premadasa) would have been president. It is because we broke away 22 that you received 159 (seats). Otherwise, you would not have gotten 159. You will be seated on this side (Opposition) and they (the SJB) will be seated on that side (Government side),” Dasanayake claimed.

Budget 2025

Amidst all this, the AKD Government is gearing for one of the focal points in its economic and governance area – Budget 2025.

In terms of the Consolidated Fund, the recurrent expenditure is Rs. 3,021,901,982,000, the capital expenditure is Rs. 1,594,850,000,000, and the total expenditure is Rs. 4,616,751,982,000.

The maximum expenditure limit for governmental activities is Rs. 43,218,025,000. The maximum debit balance limit for governmental activities is Rs. 84,532,500,000. The maximum limit of liabilities for governmental activities is Rs. 12,065,000,000.

The Second Reading (Budget Speech) of the bill is scheduled to be held on 17 February and the Second Reading debate is scheduled to be held for seven days from 18-25 February. Thereafter, the vote on the Second Reading of the bill is scheduled to be held on 25 February at 6 p.m.

The AKD Government’s 2025 Budget will play a decisive role in the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) approval of the pending tranche under the ongoing Extended Fund Facility (EFF).

Gearing for China

Meanwhile, President AKD is set to travel to China on Tuesday (14) and the final touches to the visit are being made, with plans to sign several agreements between Sri Lanka and China during the visit.

The President is to be accompanied by Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism Minister Vijitha Herath and Transport, Highways, Ports, and Civil Aviation Minister and Leader of the House Bimal Rathnayake.

AKD is to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Li Qiang on Wednesday (15).

Meanwhile, the Cabinet of Ministers has also granted approval for the continuation of supporting the ‘One China’ policy. The Government has maintained that Sri Lanka has consistently followed the ‘One China’ policy, which means that it recognises only the People’s Republic of China as the legitimate China, with Taiwan as an inalienable part of China. 

The AKD Government’s decision has resulted in increased interest among many other countries, including the US and India, which are keeping a close watch on President AKD’s visit to China.

It is learnt that President AKD will underscore the importance of Chinese businesses not making various payments to individuals outside project-related work in order to ensure there will be no more commission payments.

Meanwhile, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi made a brief stopover in Sri Lanka last Sunday (5) while on his way to Namibia.

Airport and Aviation Services Sri Lanka (AASL) had stated that Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee Political Bureau member, Foreign Minister Wang had arrived at the Bandaranaike International Airport at around 2.18 p.m. for a transit stopover enroute to Namibia.

The Chinese delegation of 18 members had been welcomed by Ambassador of China to Sri Lanka Qi Zhenhong, AASL Chairman Air Chief Marshal (Retd) Harsha Abeywickrama, and AASL Vice Chairman Cyril Wannigama.

The Chinese Foreign Minister and his delegation had left Sri Lanka at 4.23 p.m. local time.

Agreements on media

It is learnt that among the agreements that are to be signed between Sri Lanka and China are several that will link Sri Lanka’s State media with Chinese media institutions.

Accordingly, the Cabinet had reportedly given approval to a Cabinet paper presented by Health and Mass Media Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa that includes the following agreements:

Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the Ministry of Health and Mass Media and the National Radio and Television Administration of the People’s Republic of China; MOU between United Newspapers Company Ltd. and Xinhua News Agency of China; Memorandum of Cooperation between the Department of Government Information and Xinhua News Agency of China; MOU between the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and China Media Group; and MOU between the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and China Media Group.

Other agreements

The Cabinet last week also approved the signing of a MOU between China Media Group and the Sri Lanka Tourism Promotion Bureau, with the aim of positioning Sri Lanka as a leading destination for Chinese tourists by using the latest technology and expertise of the media group based on the cooperation between the two parties.

The proposal was submitted by Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment, and Tourism Minister Herath. 

The Cabinet had also approved the signing of an agreement on the protocol related to the export of chicken meat to the Chinese market.

Indian support

Meanwhile, India last week announced that the Indian Government had converted nearly $ 100 million worth of loans issued to Sri Lanka to grants. This was announced by Indian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Santosh Jha during a briefing with media personnel last week.

$ 20.66 million has been extended as grant assistance to settle the payments related to seven completed line of credit projects in Sri Lanka. Similarly, there is another important project of rehabilitation of the Kankesanthurai Harbour in the Northern Province with total grant assistance from India to the tune of $ 65 million. This is also something that was to be executed through a line of credit but will now be executed through a grant. 

Along with $ 14.9 million for the Maho-Anuradhapura Railway Signalling Project that I mentioned earlier, more than $ 100 million worth of loans have been converted by India into grants. This conversion of loans to grants was also discussed in the Sri Lankan Parliament, on the return of the President, with much appreciation,” the Indian High Commissioner told the press.

According to the High Commissioner, India’s grant assistance to Sri Lanka stands at $ 780 million at present. Out of these, completed projects are estimated to be worth $ 390 million, ongoing projects are approximately $ 211 million, and committed grant projects in the pipeline stand at nearly $ 180 million. The total new assistance overall is $ 391 million.

Jha also noted that President AKD had also invited Premier Narendra Modi to visit Sri Lanka this year.

Expressing confidence

Sri Lanka is however confident that it can drive the debt-to-GDP ratio well below 95% by 2032 with GDP and currency overperformance, as debt has already fallen below the required level.

A statement from the Finance Ministry said that various critiques had been made of the IMF’s Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA) target, with the view that the debt-to-GDP target of 95% by 2032 was too high.

However, 95% is just the target; there is nothing to prevent the Government from achieving a debt to GDP well below that target,” the statement read.

The Finance Ministry said that debt to GDP had already declined below the level the IMF anticipated at the time of the programme review and that any overperformance in GDP growth and currency would help the country drive the debt-to-GDP ratio below the 95% target.

Moreover, it said that the negotiations with the bondholders had ensured that even at the highest state of growth overperformance, a nominal haircut of 16% had been obtained and a Net Present Value (NPV) haircut of 33% (at an 11% discount rate) had been achieved.

Ravi’s question

However, Opposition MP Ravi Karunanayake, while explaining the current economic conditions in the country, asked the Government in Parliament how Rs. 5,000 billion required for this year was going to be raised. 

He asked the Government to explain its programme under the current path to raise revenue and investments apart from the IMF since the programme with the IMF alone could not help the country in this endeavour.

According to Karunanayake, managing inflation alone will not address the issue of raising the targeted revenue for the year.

Minister of Labour and Deputy Minister of Economic Development Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando responded to Karunanayake’s question agreeing that following the IMF framework and managing inflation targets alone would not address the issue. 

However, Prof. Fernando noted that, unfortunately, the Public Financial Management Act had put in place limits for 2025 that included revenue and expenditure. He explained that these limits had been put in place according to projected GDP for 2025, which had been done in line with the IMF programme by the Public Finance Department. 

No one can project 100% about these statistics. For this year it has been set that 13% GDP should be the expenditure while 15% has to be raised,” the Minister explained.

He further noted that the Government had set its policies within this framework and would work to increase production and get more investments to the country.

Karunanayake then asked about the Government’s plan to support and uplift the 70% of Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) in the country.

Prof. Fernando stated that the Government had already discussed with all officials in the country’s finance establishment and had planned a programme to develop the SME sector as well. He noted that growth could be considered successful only if the benefits were equitably distributed and the latest figures showed that it was not so. 

According to Prof. Fernando, the current welfare measures carried out by the Government are not merely for welfare but to provide assistance to the people to uplift them and get them involved in the economic process.

Blaming RW

Meanwhile, the Government continues to face pressure from the Opposition over the ongoing shortage of certain varieties of rice and the high prices of the stocks in the market. The issue resulted in a heated exchange of words between the Government and the Opposition during last week’s parliamentary sessions.

Former President Wickremesighe was also blamed by the Government for the ongoing shortage of red rice. 

Minister of Trade, Commerce, Food Security, and Cooperative Development Wasantha Samarasinghe, responding to questions posed in Parliament by Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa, acknowledged a shortage of red rice in the local market, but said the shortage was a result of the former Government distributing 20 kilos of rice per person free of charge ahead of the Presidential Election.

Samarasinghe alleged that the Wickremesinghe Government had distributed red rice to the public who did not consume red rice as well, which had resulted in the shortage. The Minister however stated that the Government had taken necessary measures to address the issues and ensure the continuous supply of rice to the local market.

Meanwhile, Namal also locked horns with Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya over the fertiliser subsidy allocated for farmers for the Maha season, asking the Government if the promised subsidy would be paid after the Maha harvest.

The Premier stated that 996,992 farmers would be given the allocated Rs. 25,000 fertiliser subsidy in two instalments between 1 October 2024 and 15 February this year and that the first instalment had already been made while the second instalment would be completed next month.

Contradictions and confusion

Despite attempts by the JVP/NPP Government to streamline systems and act against corruption, there seems to be quite a bit of chaos being created, resulting in several key programmes coming to a standstill and stakeholders looking at initiating legal action against the Government’s unilateral decisions without any stakeholder consultations.

Some decisions taken by several key ministries have adversely impacted the power and energy and land sectors. 

One incident that was recently reported was where the Ministry of Plantation and Community Infrastructure had suspended a power project in the Badulla District aimed at providing electricity to families in the Sinhalayagama, Unakanda, and Annasigala regions, saying it was necessary to facilitate an investigation into the land allocations, while the Energy Ministry maintained that the project was moving ahead and was in active status. Despite being over 85% complete, the project had reportedly been halted on the orders of JVP/NPP Minister Samantha Vidyarathna.

Energy Ministry Secretary Prof. Udayanga Hemapala denied any official cancellation of power projects since 26 September 2024 and Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) General Manager Wasantha Edussuriya had confirmed that the project was in the commissioning stage. There is no reason to halt it because the project is still under commissioning. Sometimes it may stop under their requirement,” he had added.

Another incident related to the power and energy sector was the move by the Energy Ministry to cancel several renewable energy projects while also cancelling the tariffs that had been agreed for several projects through previous Cabinet approvals. 

The relevant Cabinet paper was approved last week and several previous Cabinet decisions on renewable energy are to be revoked as a result. The renewable energy industry has expressed dismay at the Government’s move, claiming it will have an adverse impact on investor confidence in the industry.

Another incident is the Government’s decision to stop releasing lands even for projects in order to launch an investigation into the lands released by the Land Reform Commission (LRC) since 2015. This inquiry has resulted in land releases for projects coming to a standstill, resulting in a delay in the recommencement of some stalled projects.

This delay in assigning lands for projects is a contradiction of President AKD’s call for businesses and investors to explore opportunities to carry out development projects. The President has announced that Sri Lanka is open for business and foreign investments while the Government is yet to take measures to ensure the ease of doing business in the country.

While irregularities and corruption need to be addressed and acted upon, such actions need to be pursued without hindering the economic processes at play, given that Sri Lanka’s economy is still in a fragile state.   

Corruption complaints

Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Herath has claimed that complaints have been made by diplomats from South Korea and Australia that businesses and investors from the two countries who have tried to do business in Sri Lanka have left for India and Vietnam instead due to the request for monies by some politicians in previous governments to support businesses or investments from these two countries.

These complaints have been made during recent meetings held between Herath, the South Korean Ambassador in Sri Lanka, and the Australian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka.

The South Korean envoy had pointed out that a South Korean company had won the open tender for the construction of an oil pipeline from Muthurajawela to the Bandaranaike International Airport. However, this tender had been cancelled without giving any reason.

However, there are now calls by the public for the Minister to reveal the names of the politicians who had requested monies from foreign companies in keeping with the JVP/NPP Government’s pledge to be transparent and act against irregularities.

Tuition for the Govt.

The JVP/NPP Government’s actions and work have now become a topic of discussion among the general public as well as political circles.

The Government was also the key topic of discussion during an unexpected meeting that took place between former President Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) and senior members of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) in Kataragama on the night of 31 December 2024. 

The SLFP has a tradition of holding a pirith chanting ceremony at the Kiri Vehera in Kataragama. MR and his family also have a tradition of engaging in religious activities in Kataragama as the new year dawns.

MR and SLFP seniors were entertained by the Chief Incumbent of the Abhinavarama Temple in Kataragama. Over a cup of tea, everyone had discussed the current state of the country and the JVP/NPP Government’s actions.

SLFP MP Chamara Sampath Dasanayake had made an interesting comment about the incumbent Government’s inability to carry out its work and failure at governance. He had noted that the Government’s inabilities were so great that some members had even failed to engage in extramarital affairs (Me anduvata kochchara veda berida penava neda, hariyata kotuvakvath paninna be ahuvenne nethiva”). 

Everyone had laughed at this statement and former Minister Mahinda Amaraweera had said while laughing that Dasanayake as a senior MP should give tuition to the newcomers to the House, especially from the Government side. Dasanayake had laughed and said that there were more qualified people than him in the House to tutor JVP/NPP MPs on such matters. 

MR’s wish 

Meanwhile, former President MR was among the first devotees in the new year to make offerings to the Ruhunu Maha Kataragama Devalaya. 

Accepting his offerings, the kapu mahaththaya had asked MR if he had any wish from the gods. MR had smiled and said that he wished that the people would not suffer from shortages of food and other difficulties during the new year (Hemotama karadarayak nethiva kanna endala inna puluvan wewa kiyala pathuva”).

Namal in hospital

However, Namal was not present with his father, MR, in Kataragama, like during previous years.

MR and the family had spent the holiday season in Nuwara Eliya and returned to Colombo on 31 December 2024 in order to leave for Kataragama for the religious observances at midnight. Namal however was unable to make it to Kataragama since he had to take one of his sons, who was down with the flu, to hospital for treatment in Colombo.

Namal on 1 January attended the New Year celebrations at the SLPP Headquarters from hospital.

Changes in SJB

The main Opposition SJB meanwhile is still trying to recover from last year’s electoral defeats and is looking at making changes to several key positions in the party amidst the growing dissension within the party over the party leadership, the lack of party democracy, and the interference of what is termed as third parties affiliated to the party leadership.

There were first reports of changes being made to the post of national organiser held by Tissa Attanayake following the critical comments made by him against the party leadership calling for immediate party reforms.

However, it is learnt that there are now moves mooted by loyalists of Opposition and SJB Leader Premadasa to make changes to the posts of party chairman and general secretary.

SJB Chairman Imthiaz Bakeer Markar it seems has earned the wrath of the SJB leadership and his loyalists following his recent letter containing 12 proposals to address the issues faced by the party. When there had been no response to the letter from the party leadership, Bakeer Markar had copied the letter to the General Secretary, National Organiser, and Treasurer of the party, which was later leaked and publicised in the media.

However, many SJB seniors have expressed their opposition to making changes to key positions in the party, which they claim is being mooted by Premadasa and his loyalists, once again in an arbitrary manner to make way for a few Premadasa loyalists.

Being sidelined

However, many SJBers as well as others in the political scene have been wondering about the reason for Bakeer Markar being sidelined by the party leadership.

It is in such a backdrop that several senior SJBers had discussed an incident that had taken place during a meeting of SJB seniors after the party’s defeat at the last Presidential and Parliamentary Elections. 

During this meeting, which was chaired by SJB Leader Premadasa, Bakeer Markar had stated that the party had been defeated at the two elections due to shortcomings within the party and that these issues needed to be properly identified and addressed to ensure the SJB’s victory at future elections.

Bakeer Markar had proposed that a committee be appointed for the purpose. Premadasa had then proposed that his confidant, Lakshman Fonseka, also be included in the proposed committee. Bakeer Markar had responded immediately saying that Fonseka should not be included in this committee since those who had decided on the party strategies and campaigns for the elections should not be part of it since the report and recommendations needed to be done impartially.

According to several senior SJBers, Bakeer Markar’s comments at this meeting had resulted in him being sidelined by the party leadership, which eventually resulted in him being axed from the party’s National List members to Parliament as well as not receiving a response to his letter containing proposals to address the issues currently faced by the SJB.

Decisive meeting

Amidst this increasing dissension within the party, the SJB Working Committee met last week, resulting in a decisive discussion.

Unlike during other Working Committee meetings, this time around, the party leadership had distributed a document to all members outlining the meeting agenda prior to commencement. The document had shown that among the key issues to be discussed at the meeting was Bakeer Markar’s letter with proposals to reform the party. 

However, at the outset of the meeting, a majority of the Working Committee members had spoken about the current political situation and the elections to cooperatives and the SJB winning some of them. 

After listening for a while, MP S.M. Marikkar had said that they should not lose focus and veer away from the main reason for the meeting. He had noted that there was no point in talking about the ‘feel-good’ stories instead of talking about the real issues and working to strengthen the party.

National Organiser Tissa Attanayake had also supported Marikkar’s statement, saying that the proposals presented by Bakeer Markar needed to be discussed. He had pointed out that there were shortcomings within the SJB that needed to be addressed and everyone needed to reflect on them and correct their mistakes or the SJB would continue to lose future elections.

Prior to discussing the proposals, Premadasa had expressed his displeasure over the leaking of Bakeer Markar’s letter to the media. Bakeer Markar had denied releasing it to the media, saying he had only given the letter to the Party Leader and a few other party office bearers – General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara, National Organiser Attanayake, and Treasurer Harsha de Silva. It is learnt that the letter had been leaked to the media from the table of one of the party seniors who had been given the letter.

New committee

However, Premadasa decided to implement several proposals made by Bakeer Markar, which included the holding of regular and timely meetings of key party committees and for the appointment of a committee to study the changes that need to be made to the SJB as part of the reforms process.

Accordingly, a four-member committee was appointed consisting of SJB General Secretary Madduma Bandara, Chairman Bakeer Markar, National Organiser Attanayake, and Kabir Hashim.

It was also decided that the SJB Management Committee would meet every Wednesday and that the party’s Working Committee would meet every third Thursday of the month.  

Three new members were also appointed to the SJB Management Committee – Marikkar, former MP Buddhika Pathirana, and Lalith Bandara.

Continuing push for alliance

Amidst the ongoing internal conflicts within the SJB, there is a continuing push for the party to unite with the United National Party (UNP).

The unofficial talks between senior members of the UNP and a group of SJBers that commenced after the Parliamentary Polls last November have recommenced this month, with several UNP and SJB seniors engaged in unofficial talks.

It is learnt that several key Premadasa loyalists have expressed willingness to explore possibilities of the two parties joining forces.

The SJB side, it is learnt, has proposed to the UNP side that Premadasa be given a leadership role in the proposed alliance. It is also learnt that the UNP is also agreeable to giving more powers to the SJB in the new alliance.

Thalatha’s bridge

The appointment of former SJB MP Thalatha Atukorale as the General Secretary of the UNP has renewed hope among the UNPers and SJBers of the possibility of uniting. This renewed hope has been further strengthened after Atukorale officially assumed duties as the UNP General Secretary at the Party Headquarters, Sirikotha, last Friday (10).

Senior SJB members, including several Premadasa loyalists, have also expressed hope that Atukorale will serve as a bridge between the UNP and SJB and that it is the best opportunity for the two parties to unite. A senior SJBer noted that there were several issues that needed to be ironed out with the UNP before proceeding with alliance talks and that these areas were being discussed at present.

Atukorale has been pushing for the two parties to unite even during her tenure in the SJB before defecting to support Wickremesinghe at the Presidential Election last September.

Only under the ‘elephant’

Meanwhile, the UNP has decided to maintain that the party will contest future elections only under the ‘elephant’ symbol.

The decision to stick to the ‘elephant’ was made after the UNP’s recent experience with the New Democratic Front (NDF) alliance under the ‘gas cylinder’ symbol, where the NDF General Secretary arbitrarily filled the two National List slots the alliance obtained at the Parliamentary Elections. 

Sajith-RW meet

Meanwhile, SJB Leader Premadasa and UNP Leader Wickremesinghe met last week at the almsgiving held to mark the 50th birthday of Ven. Welipana Dharmarama Thera. It was interesting to see the UNP’s Wajira Abeywardena seated between Premadasa and Wickremesinghe. However, both leaders had engaged in a friendly chat.

It is learnt that the two Leaders had spoken about the incumbent Government and its actions. The discussion had also included the recent statements being made by Government ministers, the upcoming budget, and the matters to be raised in the House.

SLFP’s united front

The SLFP meanwhile put forward a united front last week when all senior members gathered at the S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike statue on Wednesday (8) to mark their late Founder’s birth anniversary.

The event was graced by former Presidents Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Maithripala Sirisena, who have both served as Leaders of the SLFP, and the new office bearers of the party led by SLFP Leader, former Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva. The SLFP seniors, who have been at loggerheads for some time, were seen seated together and talking to each other.

BY Buddhika Samaraweera Courtesy The Morning

• Docs group calls for SPC Chair and Board to resign
• Strap: SPC says tender not awarded to implicated  Co.

Ministry of Health Secretary Dr. Anil Jasinghe, has announced that the Government is focusing on the establishment of several laboratories to test medicines in the near future.

Dr. Jasinghe also indicated that an investigation is planned into recent allegations regarding the importation of medicines by a blacklisted company.

It was recently revealed that the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation (SPC) tender board had allegedly awarded a tender to purchase 270,000 bottles of an antiseptic mouthwash used for the treatment of inflammatory dental conditions, ‘Chlorhexidine’, to a Bangladeshi company that had been blacklisted.

Speaking in response to several questions raised by journalists in Kandy, Dr. Jasinghe elaborated on the Government’s plans: These tests should be conducted at various stages of quality checking. However, so far, such testing has only been carried out when a complaint arises. This approach is insufficient. Now, the Government is concentrating on setting up one or two testing laboratories in Sri Lanka,” he said. Although Sri Lanka is a small country, its procurement process is much larger than that of many developed countries, given that the healthcare system is State run and the supply of medicines is centralised,” he added.

Meanwhile, the Medical and Civil Rights Professional Association of Doctors (MCPA) has called for the resignation of the SPC Chairperson and its Board of Directors following allegations that the SPC tender board awarded a Rs. 37 million antiseptic mouthwash tender to a blacklisted company. Speaking to The Daily Morning, the MCPA President Dr. Chamal Sanjeewa said that the SPC has enjoyed a strong reputation among health sector institutions; however, the alleged transaction has tarnished its reputation. “The public’s trust in the SPC has been damaged by this transaction. How can a tender be awarded without the knowledge of the Chairperson and the Board of Directors? They must take responsibility and resign from their positions.” Attributing the tender in question to be the first tender issue that took place under the current Government, he said that Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa should also pay immediate attention and take appropriate action against those involved.

Dr. Jayatissa and the SPC were not available for comment.

However, Minister Dr. Jayatissa has vowed to safeguard all employees dedicated to resolving and correcting issues within the pharmaceutical sector. He stressed that the pharmaceutical industry, while being one of the most profitable globally, has also become a hub for racketeering. Dr. Jayatissa made these remarks during an emergency inspection tour of the SPC, located at the ‘Mehewara Piyasa’ office complex in Narahenpita. He held an extensive discussion with the governing authority of the SPC to find ways to improve the institution’s operations, ensuring that they are carried out in a more systematic and transparent manner. Additionally, Dr. Jayatissa provided guidance on several aspects of the drug supply network, including the current functioning of the system, the drug procurement process, and the drug distribution programme, as well as outlining strategies for the future development of these activities.

According to Dr. Sanjeewa, dealings with the company in question had been suspended as a default supplier due to a non-settlement of claim” with legal action underway to recover an unsettled amount of nearly Rs. 130 million. However, he claimed that the SPC tender committee, led by its Managing Director and the Deputy Director of the National Hospital of Sri Lanka, Colombo, awarded the tender despite the company lacking National Medicines Regulatory Authority registration or World Health Organisation standard certification at the time. The relevant transaction is alleged to have been made by officers appointed under the current Government last month (in December 2024) under tender bearing number DHSP/WW/15/2025.

Meanwhile, in a statement issued yesterday (13), SPC Chairperson Dr. Manuj Weerasinghe said that the SPC Procurement Committee had initially decided to award the tender to the said blacklisted supplier; however, the decision was suspended after it was identified that the company had been blacklisted as a defaulter on 29 October of last year (2024). He however denied the allegations that the supplier did not possess the NMRA registration. Following the suspension of the decision to award the tender, he said that the necessary steps to select a suitable bidder from the remaining candidates had already been finalised. He added that this process was completed before media reports about the tender emerged.

Courtesy The Morning

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was set to depart the country last evening (13) for a four-day State visit to the People’s Republic of China. 

This visit, taking place from 14-17 January, is undertaken at the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping.  

During the visit, President Dissanayake will hold discussions with President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang, as well as engage with other senior Chinese officials to strengthen diplomatic ties.  

The agenda includes key focus areas such as technology, agriculture, and poverty alleviation. The President is also scheduled to visit strategic facilities and participate in high-level business forums aimed at enhancing economic collaboration and investment opportunities, a statement said.  

A series of bilateral agreements to deepen mutual understanding and cooperation between Sri Lanka and China will be signed during the visit.  

This marks President Dissanayake’s second international State visit since assuming office and is considered a pivotal step in fortifying the longstanding partnership between Sri Lanka and China. It is anticipated that the visit will significantly advance bilateral relations, particularly in the areas of trade, investment, and economic cooperation.  

Meanwhile, last month (December 2024), Dissanayake visited India, marking his first overseas trip since the Presidential Election.

In recent years, China has provided ongoing assistance in areas such as foreign direct investment, infrastructure, energy and more. Following Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, China played a significant role in debt restructuring and its timely support further strengthened the deep friendship between the two nations.

In general, Dissanayake’s China trip is expected to focus on exploring opportunities for collaborative development.

උපුටා ගැන්ම ලංකා සී නිව්ස්

ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා චීන ජනපති ෂී ජින්පින් මහතාගේ ආරාධනාවක් මත චීනයේ සිවු දින නිල සංචාරයක නිරත වන බව විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යාංශය ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතාගේ සිවු දින නිල සංචාරය හෙට (14) සිට 17 වැනිදා දක්වා සිදු කෙරනු ඇති බවත්, එහිදී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සහ විනය අතර ආයෝජන, විදුලිබල ක්ෂේත්‍රය. ධීවර කර්මාන්ත සහ ආරථිකය ආවරණය වන පරිදි අවබෝධතා ගිවිසුම් 7 කට අත්සන් තැබීමට නියමිත බවත් විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත් මහතා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

අවබෝධතා ගිවිසුම්වලට අමතරව වින ජනාධිපතිවරයා සමග ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා සාකච්ඡා වටයද පැවැත්වීමට නියමිත බවත්, එහිදී ජාත්‍යන්තර මූල්‍ය අරමුදලේ කැපවීම් වලට අනුකූලව ණය ප්‍රතිව්‍යුහගත කිරීම සඳහා මෙන්ම ආර්ථික අර්බුදයෙන් ගොඩඒම සඳහා චීනය ලබාදී ඇති සහාය ඇතුළුව තවත් ද්වි පාර්ශ්වික වටිනාකමක් ඇති කරුණු රාශියක් පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා වනු ඇති බවත් විදේශ කටයුතු අමාත්‍යවරයා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

එසේම නිල සංචාරයේදී ජනාධිපති අනුර කුමාර දිසානායක මහතා චීන අගමැති ලී කියැන්ග් සහ ජාතික මහජන කොංග්‍රසයේ ස්ථාවර කමිටු සභාපති ෂාඕ ලේදී මුණගැසීමට නියමිත බව ද අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත් මහතා පැවසුවේය.

යෝජිත අවබෝධතා ගිවිසුම්වලට කෘෂිකර්මාන්තය, සංචාරක ව්‍යාපාරය, අධ්‍යාපනය සහ තාක්ෂණය වැනි අංශ ද ඇතුළත් වන බව අමාත්‍ය හේරත් මහතා පැවැසීය.

එසේම ශ්‍රී ලංකා රූපවාහිනී සංස්ථාව සහ ස්වාධීන රූපවාහීනී ජාලය ඩිජිටල්කරණය කිරීමට චීනයේ සහාය ලබා ගැනීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව අපේක්ෂා කරන බවද අමාත්‍යවරයා ප්‍රකාශ කළේය.

අතරමග නැවතී ඇති මාර්ග ව්‍යාපෘති නැවත ආරම්භ කිරීම කෙරෙහි එහිදී අවධානය යොමු කිරීමට ද නියමිත බව අමාත්‍ය විජිත හේරත්
මහතා පැවසුවේය.

– දමිත් වික්‍රමසේකර

Courtesy Adaderana

The government is taking significant steps to address salary disparities in the education sector and elevate five key education services, including teachers and principals, to be among the 10 highest-paid professions in the country, Deputy Minister of Labour Mahinda Jayasinghe said.

Speaking at an event held in Maharagama, the Deputy Minister outlined the government’s commitment to improving remuneration and addressing long-standing salary issues in the education sector.  

We will present the first budget next month, and there will be an increase in the salaries of public servants in that budget. Do not have any doubts about that,” said Jayasinghe, emphasizing the government’s efforts to prioritize public sector wage reforms.  

He also acknowledged the persistent concerns about salary disparities in the education sector. Many people are asking about the two-thirds salary disparity for teachers. We are already conducting the necessary preliminary discussions to resolve this issue,” he added.  

Highlighting the government’s plans for educators, the Deputy Minister noted that five services—teachers, principals, educational administrators, teacher educators, and teacher advisors—are being considered for inclusion among the top 10 salary scales.  

Discussions are currently underway to not only address the salary scales but also to improve the quality of these services. Our goal is to enhance the standards of education through appropriate salary adjustments,” he stated