Is it ALL the Tamils or really the Jaffna Tamils who are angry with the Sinhalese?

Shenali Waduge

Customary practices of foreign invaders to any part of the world were centered on their policy of “divide and rule”. The Portuguese, the Dutch and the British were no different. They subtly created the distinction between the majority and the minority to their advantage. The calculated division and creation of incorrect social systems accumulated over the years to create the situation that currently prevails and not surprisingly heightened by self-serving politicians (Sinhalese & Tamil alike)

The policy began by first setting up the most privileged education through missionary schools to mostly the North of Sri Lanka (Jaffna) and setting a handful of such schools in Colombo. However the English education to be gained was offered to only those who converted.

The policy was enough to create a disparity and result in more English speaking Jaffna Tamils entering the mainstream of governance, employment & the “privileged circle”. The majority Sinhalese had to make do with the Sinhala village-level education & little or hardly any access to public sector employment. This became an accepted norm and its practice continued.

This scenario created a barrier not only amongst the Sinhalese but other Tamils who were living in Trincomalee, Batticoloa and Mannar. These people soon came to be looked down upon by the Jaffna Tamils. Though not given enough emphasis the caste system was to become a major factor that continues to divide Tamils amongst each other. The highest caste in Tamils being the Vellala would always look down upon those belonging to lower castes. With Tamils of Trincomalee, Batticoloa or Mannar not privy to any of the privileges that the Jaffna Tamils received in the form of English education or employment throughout colonial rule there was a stark differentiation amongst the Tamils as well. It is prudent to mention that the LTTE leader himself though from Jaffna district belongs to the lowest of castes and in reality is looked down upon by those of upper caste systems within the Tamil community.

By mid 1950s most public sector jobs were taken over by English speaking Jaffna Tamils. When it came to matrimony a dowry system was quickly initiated. It denoted which category of employees would be entitled to how much of dowry. No one really questioned the British about the status quo that they had cunningly engineered. It was obvious that there was a disparity in the situation but would the English speaking Tamils of Jaffna ever wish to deny for themselves the privileges that the system introduced by the British provided? Obviously not. Without questioning the right or wrong they were happy to continue the life that the British had provided on a silver platter. Let us not hold any grudges against the Jaffna Tamils for this. It was given to them by the British and I doubt any other community given such privileges would ever wish to ask its givers to include other communities as well.

One man who was quick to realize the disparity unfortunately decided to turn it into a situation that would benefit him politically. It was a simple gamble for anyone wishing to gain power and the eloquent S W R D Bandaranaike was quick to stir Sinhalese opinion to demand what they had been “denied”. What happened immediately afterwards was a complete reversal of a system that had created a source of livelihood to a small but distinct section of society – the Jaffna Tamils. With the introduction of the Sinhala-Only Policy by Mr. S. W. R. D Bandaranaike in 1956 there were changes – changes that beneficiaries to previous system would not like. It was a powerful blow to the Jaffna Tamils & for obvious reasons they were not happy with the end outcome. The policy was described as a necessary evil for it created plenty of opposition by the people that were not prepared to give up what they had been enjoying. For all reasoning purposes we need to remember that the Tamil community at this time really portrayed the interests of only the Jaffna Tamils. Despite the introduction of the Sinhala-Only Policy it is to be noted that Tamils were still allowed to obtain education in Tamil. A two-language policy of this nature for 18% of the population does not even exist in the USA or UK or any other countries that minorities live. Today both Sinhala and Tamil are regarded as official languages.

Impact on Education

The divide and rule policy and the privileges given to the Jaffna Tamil populace to obtain education in English meant that not only would they have easy access to the best of education but the best jobs in the Government and private sector as well.

Yet realizing his fault Bandaranaike took 2 steps to rectify the injustice done. The infamous Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact proposed District Councils Bill and the Language Pact. Yet it was vehemently opposed by Mr. J. R. Jayawardena Leader of the United National Party (UNP) who staged a walk opposing the move and planted the seed of anti-Tamil agitation. This is the first reason why the UNP should be accountable for creating an ethnic situation in Sri Lanka.

By the 1960s policy was introduced to allow exams to be conducted in both Sinhala and Tamil. This meant a larger number of applicants could apply to University yet it also meant that though selected admission was denied due to the lack of funds to improve university education. Those who entered to follow vernacular education & study of liberal acts discovered to their dismay that there were very few means of employment. The increasing numbers of unsatisfied and unemployed youth were enough to create the much need membership for a Che Guerra styled youth uprising in the form of the JVP in the early 1970s. Unfortunate to say the least was the desire of the majority of Sinhala university entrants to take up the liberal arts. With governance falling into the hands of Sinhalese politicians the Tamil secondary school was prompt enough to address the university education system by focusing on science curriculums & their students were encouraged to follow medicine. This was made easier since most schools in the North had better teachers and more facilities. But then here again the Sinhalese cannot fault the Tamil university entrants who opted to choose subjects that would guarantee employment. Chauvinism set in and by 1974 the Government decided to introduce a district quota system for science admissions. Admissions were based on reserved slots per each district. This translated to mean that the Sinhalese were privy to the higher number of slots in view of them being a majority though it also still meant that Tamil admission ratios remained higher than the percentage of Tamils in Sri Lanka. By 1980s systems changed to allow 60% admissions based on district quotas while the remaining 40% was awarded on individual merit. This clearly entitled opportunity for all ethnic groups to enter university & it was an equitable distribution though the elite Jaffna Tamils felt they were being marginalized and discriminated.

With politics coming to the forefront of all issues it meant that time would soon bare the burden of plenty of ill feeling amongst all communities. With each passing year the tensions were easily aroused by self-serving politicians on both sides to create turmoil that would be almost difficult to forget or forgive. All Party Committees set up over the years have always requested Tamil parliamentarians to list areas that grievances need to be addressed. Whilst this has not been forthcoming, they echo endlessly the need for a separate state to answer all problems without aware of the fact that almost a third of the Tamil population actually live amongst the Sinhalese.

In a democratic form of Governance a country’s future would inevitably lie in the hands of its governors – the politicians. For right or wrong it is their policies that end up creating a good or bad nation. Looking at the past we can but wonder what & whose policies really has helped to create this hapless situation Sri Lanka now faces.

What is important to note here is that no country can offer to all its citizens everything they desire. Policies are to suit the general public & naturally at times these policies may not be aligned to ones personal objectives but we cannot demand the policies be suited to suit only a few. It would be extremely bizarre to imagine that the entire Sinhala population is given exactly what they want if the argument is that the State is pro-Sinhala. We then have to question which stage if ever was there any discrimination for the Tamil people in general? The divide and rule policy created an unprecedented advantage to only one small community – the Jaffna Tamils. Its reversal & opening the doors for all to gain university education does not equate to mean that all Tamils were discriminated & that Sinhalese were given undue advantage.

What is most important to recognize is that Sri Lanka has never had a period in which the minority has suffered like the Blacks in America and the blacks in South Africa. A country that is in turmoil for over twenty years still can proudly say that over 60% of the Tamil population lives amongst the Sinhalese & I doubt that these people would ever consider the option of living in an Eelam state with Prabakaran as their head. The very politicians (Tamil) who enjoy stirring ethnic sentiment to cry foul about discrimination themselves are living in the safe haven of the Sinhalese in the South of Sri Lanka. Jobs are available to Tamil nationals in both the private sector and the public sector. There is not one occasion that a person has been denied employment because of the ethnic group he/she belongs to.

So really what is the problem? It is apparent that many are riding upon Prabakaran for their own personal gains. So we have a situation where one man’s fight for a separate nation has brought together parties sharing various other interests. They use the notion of a separate state to safeguard their interests. Thus we are really dealing with more than just a single problem. While the terrorist element vis a vis Prabakaran can be terminated the other factions that has gathered momentum through the theory of a separate state will need to be approached separately.

We hear various representations for an India-styled “federal solution” in Sri Lanka. India it must be noted clearly has only one official language – Hindi while there are 22 link languages accepted by the Indian Constitution. There is only One National flag, One National Anthem, One National Emblem, One National Bird, One National Animal & One National Flower. Then what of Sri Lanka? Within its unitary state Sri Lanka has however Two official languages – Sinhala & Tamil while English is the link language. Governmental ministries too function in English. However, certain areas can still be improved so that in areas where Tamil population is more the State circulars & documents be printed in Tamil. A good approach would be also to ensure that the education system includes both languages and the exchange of cultures so that the next generation at least will learn to appreciate cultural practices of others.

The ill prevailing today that divides society are very marginal and can easily be corrected with good governance and proper administration practices. Foreign intervention cannot solve matters. India’s hoarse and silent actions clearly denote one thing. Neither do they want to help solve the problem neither do they want the problem to go out of proportion. They are quite content in allowing the wound to remain in a stalemate situation. One can imagine Sri Lanka’s development without the conflict that presently prevails. Is it not surprising that with years of conflict and instability Sri Lanka’s GDP remains stable?

War is not a solution the military heads themselves echo this. But there is also the need to protect the nations assets and that is what the armed forces are presently tasked with. Equally a push by the diplomatic corps is very much called for as they seem too lethargic in portraying to the international community that our problem is not so much ethnic but “terrorist” and requirement for the Tamil community wishing to establish a separate state to provide evidence that there ever a
”Tamil homeland” at any point of time in Sri Lanka.

For the LTTE supremo, the inability to see a life without a Tamil Eelam that would make him an almost eternal leader may in fact result in the fate of Algeria’s Ben Bellah.

Our life is impermanent but why do we cling on to things that we will one day depart from knowingly or unknowingly.