To talk or not to talk
The Island Editorial
Courtesy The Island 05-02-2007
President Mahinda Rajapakses tour of Vakarai on
Saturday, even before dust had settled on the battlefield, has had
a far more devastating impact on the LTTE than the military onslaught
that drove away hundreds of battle-hardened Tiger cadres who had ruled
that township for over ten years. Although many will doubt the wisdom
of a presidential visit to the war torn areas at this particular juncture,
it has helped expose the sorry pass that the LTTE has brought itself
to through its sheer frenzy of rage and obduracy. A few months after
the LTTE launched its final war, having collected billions of rupees
and forcibly conscripted thousands of children and adults for that
purpose, Prabhakaran is not in a position to make his annual Heroes
Day speech out in the open, let alone holding a military parade. Even
in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster, he failed to come out of
his hiding at least for a few minutes to reassure the people, whose
destiny he claims to control. The lame excuse of his concern for personal
security should not be trotted out, as he is full of boasts that the
Sri Lankan military is no match for his outfit! If the President could
visit the heavily infiltrated East, why cant Prabhakaran make
a speech in the refuge of the heartland of his terror empire, Kilinochchi?
Prabhakran has not only let down his cadres and the economic refugees
in affluent countries striving to perpetuate the conflict here so
that the question of their being sent back doesnt arise but
also disappointed the local arm chair defence analyststheir
motto being Api venuven Koti (Tigers for us!)who are apparently
hoping and praying that the LTTE will bounce back. It was only the
other day that a wire service quoted an unnamed diplomat saying that
the LTTE had to do something to regain parity! That sheds light on
the thinking of some members of the international community urging
the government to restart talks.
It is against this background that the Presidents offer from
Vakarai to the LTTE should be viewed. He asked the LTTE to lay down
arms and come for talks. The reaction of the LTTE to his offer was
not known until this edition went to press, but it is a foregone conclusion
that the outfit will reject the offer lock, stock and barrel.
Anyone who is urging the LTTE to renounce violence and return to
the negotiating table of its own volition is barking up the wrong
tree. We heard the donors repeating their call for negotiations, the
other day in Galle. Why they urged the government to resume the stalled
talks is baffling. The onus of restarting negotiations should be on
the party that walked away from the talks. The present peace process
is dead in all but name as the LTTE walked away from talks on more
than one occasion. During the UNF government, which signed the present
CFA with the LTTE, the LTTE unilaterally stalled the talks by putting
forth its ISGA demand and rejecting the counter proposals. If the
UNPs contention that its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe would have
won the Presidential Election (2005) but for the LTTE-instigated polls
boycott is true, then the LTTE deliberately ruined whatever chances
there may have been of the peace talks being revived under his watch
by engineering his defeat. Thereafter, it scuttled talks with the
Rajapakse administration, having promised war less than two weeks
after the presidential election.
Using talks to strengthen itself militarily and torpedoing them thereafter
have been part and parcel of the LTTEs strategy. As the European
Parliament pointed out last year, the LTTE has rejected devolution
at the District, Provincial, Regional and National levels.
The LTTE has faced ignominious defeats in a series of battles so
far and lost the Eastern Province save a few pockets of resistance.
Amidst speculation that the government is contemplating a northward
push from the Eastern theatre with the LTTE being engaged at several
points simultaneously, so as to exert a severe strain on its limited
resources, especially manpower, the LTTE and its sympathizers are
trying to play the same old gameplaying for time through another
round of bogus talks, on its terms. Hence, we have its international
allies going hell for leather to kick-start the talks.
While negotiations are the way forward, it is imperative that those
who call for talks ensure first of all that the LTTE wont use
a future peace effort to further its military interests once again.
They must coerce the outfit to make a firm commitment to a negotiated
settlement by publicly renouncing its separatist goal. Pressure is
the key! They must also spell out what action they will take to make
it fall in line, if it tries to scuttle the talks, which is very likely.
Above all, talks must not be confined to the government and the LTTE.
All stakeholders must have representation in the peace process. Remember,
the EU has said in its resolution announcing the ban on the LTTE:
[The EU] recognises that the LTTE does not represent all the
Tamil peoples of Sri Lanka and calls on the LTTE to allow for political
pluralism and alternate democratic voices in the north and east parts
of Sri Lanka which would secure the interests of all peoples and communities...
any restoration of the peace process should seek the involvement of
a wide range of communities and political organizations in Sri Lanka,
including Northern Muslim representatives.
Let that advice be heeded!