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Obituary - Tamil Eelam (1922-2009)

Dilrook Kannangara

By 2009 Tamil Elam would have survived for 87 long, miserable years and died. The mythical state that was built on myths, deception, lies, terror and rubbish would have ended the promise of a modern day Chola kingdom for many Tamil racist elements around the world. This is an ideal opportunity to look back at the history of the mythical state not because it has anything of note, but rather because its evolution into a large terroristan may be emulated by many other separatist groups.

Tamil Eelam was conceived in the mind of the great scholar Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam in 1922. He unveiled his brainchild in 1922 at the gathering of his Ceylon Tamil League. He stated in no uncertain terms that Tamil Eelam must be achieved by Tamil people. “We should keep alive and propagate these ideals throughout Ceylon and promote the union and solidarity of what we have been proud to call Tamil Eelam.” (source: Tamilnation.org; http://www.tamilnation.org/selfdetermination/tamileelam/2200arunachalam.htm). Unfortunately for the movement, he died two years later. However, his movement survived. It merged with the other racist current that was forming at that time. In 1918 Tamil leaders headed by The Jaffna Association demanded a race-based representation from the British to be established in Sri Lanka instead of a territorial representation system. They wanted equal representation by Tamils as the Sinhalese although their population percentage was just a fraction of the Sinhala population. This came into prominence as the 50/50 demand.

Each of these ultra racist demands complimented the other and they started a long journey towards Tamil Eelam. Aggression of Tamil race-based political parties increased from 1947 to 1977 and culminated in 1977 when the TULF unashamedly advocated violence as the only viable means of achieving Tamil Eelam. By that time the first shots have already been fired by the LTTE. Since then it was a rickety ascend for the LTTE. From stalemate to stalemate, the LTTE survived and increased its fighting capability. LTTE’s journey towards Tamil Eelam received an unprecedented uplift in 2002 when the Sri Lankan government accepted the existence of a de facto state in parts of the North and the East where the LTTE wielded its cruel control. In 2006 this nation commenced its planned response to LTTE aggression.

The present one is undoubtedly the longest sustained military campaign which is not over yet. Operations started in 1983 took a big step backwards in 1985 when military plans were redrawn following a halt for Thimpu talks. Conflict resumed thereafter only to be halted in mid 1987. IPKF was active from late 1987 to 1989 after which they had to pack-up and leave. Operations started in mid 1990 were of very short duration and by late 1992 a stalemate had set in. Offensive operations commenced again in late 1993 that ended in early 1994. After a period of honeymoon the CBK administration recommenced operations in mid 1995 that ended by January next year until the historical Mulaitivu attack restarted operations in mid 1996. Amidst large-scale reversals these operations continued till late 1999. When accounted for reversals, the length of success of security forces is much shortened.

Unlike past operations, the present operation is not ‘fatigued’. In fact the opposite is true; the offensive capabilities and firepower had steadily increased along with aggression. Fatigue on the part of a conventional army is something all guerrilla groups look out for. If it is not forthcoming within a reasonable time within which the guerrilla group can sustain itself, things look bleak for them. Sri Lankan war witnessed a classic stalemate by late 1999 that eventually ended up in the Norwegian brokered CFA (Ceasefire Agreement) in 2002.

What are purported as military victories catalyst public support for war on one hand and on the other public support instigate more and more military victories. This rhythm or the vicious cycle as some call it has been the biggest invention of this government. That has been the key driver behind their political and military success. It had a major impact on other political parties as well. UNP split into two groups of heavyweights and the remaining UNP took a militaristic stand at the last election. A similar thing happened to the JVP. Although it’s Marxist hardcore want to disperse the war in favour of public welfare, it is torn between the war and workers’ short term welfare.

At the same time the government managed to promote its regional allies in the North and the East against traditional political parties (and their residue) in these areas. Without a doubt these parties will yield enormous clout at future national elections.

The demise of the LTTE is the collective outcome of all these interconnected developments.

Those who preached that there is no military resolution to the conflict quietly swallowed their own words. The war is not over yet; it will not end with the liberation of Kilinochchi, but the ability to find a lasting solution is far greater today than ever before mainly through military means.

Tamil Elam is near its end and there is little doubt that its death would be a violent one. However, the myth of Tamil Eelam will continue to live in the minds of Tamil racist elements throughout the world like a monster in a horror movie that emerges from part to part. Following the war, there should be a political solution that can dissolve all possibilities of Tamil Eelam. The political solution should not be a one that can provide breeding grounds for Tamil Eelam; instead it should be something that necessitates the complete breakdown of Tamil Eelam for the development of Sri Lanka. If Tamil nationality, Tamil sovereignty and Tamil right of self-determination are the aspirations towards Tamil Elam, a successful political solution should destroy each and every one of these aspirations completely. That will be the burial of Tamil Eelam.

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